Don't think, however, that the language of twenty-first-century American war was only meant to lull the public. Less familiar words and terms continue to be used within the military not to clarify tasks at hand but to obscure certain obvious realities even from those sanctioned to deal with them. Take asymmetrical warfare, the gray zone, and VUCA. Unless you spend time in Department of Defense and military circles, you probably haven't heard of these.
Asymmetrical warfare suggests that the enemy fights unfairly and in a thoroughly cowardly fashion, regularly lurking behind and mixing with civilians ("hostages"), because that enemy doesn't have the moxie to don uniforms and stand toe-to-toe in a "kinetic" smack-down with U.S. troops. As a result, of course, the U.S. must be prepared for underhanded tactics and devious weaponry, including ambushes and IEDs (improvised explosive devices, or roadside bombs), as well as a range of other "unconventional" tactics now all too familiar in a world plagued by violent attacks against "soft" targets (aka civilians). It must also be prepared to engage an enemy mixed in with a civilian population and so brace itself for the inevitable collateral damage that is now so much the essence of American war.
That groups like the Islamic State (ISIS) would choose to fight "asymmetrically" should hardly come as a surprise to anyone who's ever been confronted by a much bigger and better armed kid in a schoolyard. Misdirection, a sucker punch, a slingshot, even running away to fight another day are "asymmetrical" approaches that are sensible indeed for any outgunned and overmatched opponent. The term is a truism, nothing more, when it comes to the realities of our world. It is, however, a useful way of framing matters for those in the Pentagon and the military who don't want to think seriously about the grim course of action, focused significantly on civilian populations, they are pursuing, which often instills anger and the urge for revenge in such populations and so, in the end, runs at cross purposes to stated U.S. aims.
The "gray zone" is a fuzzy term used in military circles to describe the perplexing nature of lower-level conflicts, often involving non-state actors, that don't qualify as full-fledged wars. These are often fought using non-traditional weapons and tactics ranging from cyber attacks to the propagandizing of potential terror recruits via social media. This "zone" is unnerving to Pentagon types in part because the vast majority of the Pentagon's funding goes to conventional weaponry that's as subtle as a sledgehammer: big-ticket items like aircraft carriers, nuclear submarines, main battle tanks, strategic bombers, and wildly expensive multi-role aircraft such as the F-35 (now estimated to cost roughly $1.4 trillion through its lifecycle). Much of this weaponry is "too big to fail" in the funding wars in Washington, but regularly fails in the field precisely because it's too big to be used effectively against the latest crop of evasive enemies. Hence, that irresolvable gray zone which plagues America's defense planners and operatives.
The question the gray zone both raises and obscures is: Why has the U.S. done so poorly when, by its own definition, it remains the biggest, baddest superpower around, the one that outspends its non-state enemies by a factor so large it can't even be calculated? Keep in mind, for instance, that the 9/11 attacks on American soil were estimated to have cost Osama bin Laden at most a half-million dollars. Multiply that by 400 and you can buy one "made in America" F-35 jet fighter.
If the gray zone offers little help clarifying America's military dilemmas, what about VUCA? It's an acronym for volatile, uncertain, complex, and ambiguous, which is meant to describe our post-9/11 world. Of course, there's nothing like an acronym to take the sting out of any world. But as an historian who has read a lot of history books, let me confess that, to the best of my knowledge, the world has always been, is now, and will always be VUCA.
For any future historian of the Pentagon's language, let me sum things up this way: instead of honest talk about war in all its ugliness and uncertainty, military professionals of our era have tended to substitute buzz words, catchphrases, and acronyms. It's a way of muddying the water. It allows the world of war to tumble on without serious challenge, which is why it's been so useful in these years to speak of, say, COIN (Counterinsurgency) or 4GW (Fourth-Generation Warfare).
Much like its most recent enthusiast, General David Petraeus, COIN has once again lost favor in the military, but Fourth-Generation Warfare is still riding high and sounds so refreshingly forward-looking, not like the stale Vietnam-era wine in a post-9/11 bottle that it is. In reality, it's another iteration of insurgency and COIN mixed and matched with Chinese Communist leader Mao Zedong's people's war. To prevail in places like Afghanistan, so 4GW thinkers suggest, one needs to win hearts and minds -- yes, that classic phrase of defeat in Vietnam -- while securing and protecting (a definite COINage) the people against insurgents and terrorists. In other words, we're talking about an acronym that immediately begins to congeal if you use older words to describe it like "pacification" and "nation-building." The latest 4GW jargon may not help win wars, but it does sometimes win healthy research grants from the government.
The fact is that trendy acronyms and snappy buzz words have a way of limiting genuine thinking on war. If America is to win (or, far better, avoid) future wars, its war professionals need to look more honestly at that phenomenon in all of its dimensions. So, too, do the American people, for it's in their name that such wars are allegedly waged.
The Truth About "Progress" in America's Wars
These days, Secretary of Defense Ashton Carter often resorts to cancer imagery when describing the Islamic state. "Parent tumor" is an image he especially favors -- that is, terrorism as a cancer that America's militarized surgeons need to attack and destroy before it metastasizes and has "children." (Think of the ISIS franchises in Libya, where the organization has recently doubled in size, Afghanistan, and Yemen.) Hence the proliferation of "surgical strikes" by drones and similarly "surgical" Special Ops raids, both of which you could think of as America's equivalent of white blood cells in its war on the cancer of terrorism.
But is terrorism really a civilizational cancer that can be "cured" via the most aggressive "kinetic" treatments? Can the U.S. render the world cancer-free? For that's what Carter's language implies. And how does one measure "progress" in a "war" on the cancer of ISIS? Indeed, from an outsider's perspective, the proliferation of U.S. military bases around the world (there are now roughly 800), as well as of drone strikes, Special Ops raids, and massive weapons exports might have a cancerous look to them. In other words, what constitutes a "cancer" depends on one's perspective -- and perhaps one's definition of world "health," too.
The very notion of progress in America's recent wars is one that a colleague, Michael Murry, recently critiqued. A U.S. Navy Vietnam War Veteran, he wrote me that, for his favorite military euphemism, "I have to go with 'progress' as incessantly chanted by the American military brass in Iraq and Afghanistan"
"We go on hearing about 14 years of 'progress' which, to hear our generals tell it, would vanish in an instant should the United States withdraw its forces and let the locals and their neighbors sort things out. Since when do 'fragile gains' equate to 'progress'? Who in their right mind would invest rivers of blood and trillions of dollars in 'fragility'? Now that I think of it, we also have the euphemistic expression of 'drawdown' substituting for 'withdrawal' which in turn substitutes for 'retreat.' The U.S. military and the civilian government it has browbeaten into hapless acquiescence simply cannot face the truth of their monumental failures and so must continually bastardize our language in a losing -- almost comical -- attempt to stay one linguistic step ahead of the truth."
Progress, as Murry notes, basically means nothing when such "gains," in the words of David Petraeus during the surge months in Iraq in 2007, are both "fragile" and "reversible." Indeed, Petraeus repeated the same two words in 2011 to describe similar U.S. "progress" in Afghanistan, and today it couldn't be clearer just how much "progress" was truly made there. Isn't it time for government officials to stop banging the drums of war talk in favor of "progress" when none exists?
Think, for instance, of the American-trained (and now re-trained) Iraqi security forces. Each year U.S. officials swear that the Iraqi military is getting ever closer to combat readiness, but much like one of Zeno's paradoxes, the half-steps that military takes under American tutelage never seem to get it into fighting shape. Progress, eternally touted, seems always to lead to regress, eternally explained away, as that army regularly underperforms or its units simply collapse, often abandoning their American-supplied weaponry to the enemy. Here we are, 12 years after the U.S. began training the Iraqi military and once again it seems to be cratering, this time while supposedly on the road to retaking Iraq's second largest city, Mosul, from its Islamic State occupiers. Progress, anyone?
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