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The Packaged Consciousness

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For example, Frank Stanton, the former Vice Chairman of CBS, a leading broadcasting conglomerate in the nation, challenges the right of the United Nations to regulate international satellite communications, though satellites make it possible to broadcast messages directly into individual homes anywhere in the world, and are thus a crucial social resource. Stanton asserts that "the rights of Americans to speak to whomever they please, when they please, are bartered away" [through such regulation]. Stanton is, of course, using the "royal" we in what is really a defense of CBS' rights to communicate with whomever it pleases, and wherever it pleases, in the pursuit of profit. The ordinary American citizen has neither the means nor the facilities to communicate internationally in any significant way.

PRIVATISM IN EVERY SPHERE OF LIFE is considered normal. 2 The American life style, from its most minor detail to its most deeply felt beliefs and practices, reflects an exclusively self- centered outlook, which is in turn an accurate image of the structure of the economy itself. The American dream includes a single-family home, the owner-operated business. Such other institutions as a health system based on fees for service, a business principle, and the view that medical care is essentially a privilege to be purchased as any other commodity according to private means, are obvious, if not natural, features of the privately organized economy.

In this setting, it is to be expected that whatever changes do occur will be effected through individualistic and private organizational means. In the face of the disintegration of urban life, land use remains private, and in the case of big proprietors, sacred. When space communications were developed in the 1960s, offering the potential instrumentation for an improved international dialogue, COMSAT, a private corporation with three publicly appointed directors for window dressing, was entrusted with this global responsibility. Though parts of Southern California are practically invisible and smog clouds hang over most American cities, the auto industry continues to be tied to Detroit's profit calculus and (by now demonstrably) misguided designs, while the Reagan Administration bestows upon it its wholehearted blessings--chiefly in the incarnation of a thoroughly emasculated Environmental Protection Agency. One wonders what gas-guzzling atrocities we'd still be driving in America if it hadn't been for the better values offered by foreign automakers and the vagaries of the oil cartel.

Though individual freedom and personal choice are its most powerful mythic defenses, the system of private ownership and production requires and creates additional untruths, along with the techniques to transmit them. These notions either rationalize its existence or promise a great future, or divert attention from its searing inadequacies and conceal quite ably the possibilities of new departures for social organization. Some of these techniques are not exclusive to the privatistic industrial order, and can be applied in any social system intent on maintaining its dominion. Other myths, and the means of circulating them, are closely associated with what has come to be called the American Way of Life.

The Myth of Neutrality

For manipulation to be most effective, evidence of its presence should be non-existent. When the manipulated believe things are the way they are naturally and inevitably, manipulation is successful. In short, manipulation requires a false reality that is a continuous denial of its existence.

It is essential, therefore, that people who are continually manipulated believe in the neutrality of their key social institutions. They must believe that government, the media, education, and science are beyond the clash of conflicting social interests. Government, and the national government in particular, remains the centerpiece of the neutrality myth. This myth presupposes belief in the basic integrity and nonpartisanship of government in general and of its constituent parts--Congress, the judiciary, and the Presidency. Corruption, deceit, and knavery, when they occur from time to time, are seen to be the result of human weakness, passing aberrations that do not deny the essential wholesomeness of the system.

The Presidency, for exampled--is beyond the reach of special interests, according to this mythology (accidentally weakened by the Watergate revelations). The first and most extreme manipulative use of the presidency, therefore, is to claim the nonpartisanship of the office, and to seem to withdraw it from class interests and clamorous conflict. In the 1972 elections, the Republican candidate campaigned under the auspices and slogans of the Committee to Re-elect the President, not as the flesh and blood Richard Nixon.

The chief executive, though the most important, is but one of the many governmental departments that seek to present themselves as neutral agents, embracing no objectives but the general welfare, and serving everyone impartially and disinterestedly. For half a century all the media joined in propagating the myth of the FBI as a nonpolitical and highly effective agency of law enforcement. In fact, as congressional hearings confirmed, the Bureau has been used continuously to intimidate and coerce social critics, and is itself a major lawbreaker.

OF COURSE, THE MASS MEDIA, too, are supposed to be neutral and, according to some observers, in an adversary position with regard to the powers that be. Departures from even handedness in news reportage are admitted but, the press assures -us, result from human error and.cannot be interpreted as flaws in the basically sound institutions of information dissemination. That the media (press, periodicals, radio, and television) are almost without exception business enterprises, receiving their revenues from commercial sales of time and space, and. sharing the mainstream business ideology of its owners is not recognized as a major problem by those defending the objectivity and integrity of the informational services. Ironically enough, but quite logical when we consider the upsidedown way of looking at things favored by right-wingers, in the Nixon years the media fell under audible criticism and were repeatedly questioned in their patriotism, "sense of responsibility," etc., but only because they did not tilt far enough to the right.

Science, which more than any other intellectual activity has been integrated into the corporate economy, continues also to insist on its value-free neutrality. Unwilling to consider the implications of the sources of its funding, the directions of its research, the applications of its theories (just consider the idea of DNA for profit, recently sanctioned by the Supreme Court), and the character of the paradigms it creates, science promotes the notion of its insulation from the social forces that affect all other ongoing activities in the nation.

The system of schooling, from the elementary through the university level, is also, according to the manipulators, devoid of deliberate ideological purpose. Still, the product must reflect the teaching: it is astonishing how large a proportion of the graduates at each stage continue, despite all the ballyhoo about the counterculture and "radicals on campus," to believe in and observe the competitive ethic of business enterprise. Or is it just simple realism?

Wherever one looks in the social sphere, neutrality and objectivity are invoked to describe the functioning of value-laden and purposeful activities which lend support to the prevailing institutional arrangements. Essential to the everyday maintenance of the control system is the carefully nurtured myth that no special groups or views have a preponderant influence on the country's decision-making processes. Conventional economics, for example, has long contended that all agents enter the market more or less equal as buyers and sellers, workers and employers, and take their chances in an uncontrolled arena of independent choicemaking. (An article on this topic is now in preparation. Eds.) Manipulation in market economics is an aberration which everyone abhors and does his best to eliminate, usually by not acknowledging it, as most students taking a conventional intro course will testify. (Naturally, power, which determines so many economic relationships such as wages, prices, terms of trade between poor and rich nations, is never accepted as relevant by the economic purists.)

Similarly, in the marketplace of ideas, manipulators insist that there is no ideology that operates as a control mechanism. There is only, they claim, an information-knowledge spectrum, from which the neutral scientist, teacher, government official, or individual picks and chooses the informational bits most useful to the pattern of truth he or she is attempting to construct. Daniel Bell, at the beginning of one of the most spectacular decades of social conflict and manipulative control in the United States' history, published a book proclaiming the "end of ideology."

The Myth of Unchanging Human Nature


Human expectations can be the lubricant of social change. When human expectations are low, passivity prevails. There can, of course, be various kinds of images in anyone's mind concerning political, social, economic, and personal realities. The common denominator of all such imagery, however, is the view people have of human nature. What human nature is seen to be ultimately affects the way hurnan beings behave, not because they must act as they do but because they believe they are expected to act that way. One writer puts it this way: "...the behavior of men is not independent of the theories of human behavior that men adopt ... what we believe of man affects the behavior of men, for it determines what each expecis of the other ... befief helps shape actuality. " (italics ours)

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Media critic and former economist P. Greanville is The Greanville Post's founding editor (http://www.greanvillepost.com/). He also serves as publisher for Cyrano's Journal Today. He has a lifelong interest in the triumph of justice and (more...)
 
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