With Howard Dean neutralized, one anti-war candidacy soldiered on -- that of Representative Dennis Kucinich of Ohio, who opposed the war in principle throughout and called for an end to occupation within six months. As Democratic candidate after Democratic candidate dropped out of the race, and as John Kerry ascended and locked up the required delegates for the nomination, Kucinich nonetheless declared that he would stay in the race until the Democratic National Convention (DNC), so as to influence the Democratic Party's platform and to allow principled anti-war voters an outlet and voice.
Nevertheless, as the Convention date approached, Kucinich's independence appeared to wane. In a public speech that evoked reflexive pity from so many who observed, Kucinich endorsed his party's pro-war candidate, John Kerry, weeks before the DNC, despite having throughout his campaign declared the Iraq war the central issue of the election season.
"Unless we have a firm and unshakeable resolve for John Kerry, we will have no opportunity to take America in a new direction," Kucinich declared. "Unity is essential." Kucinich repeated this mantra later in the fall of 2004 with a video on his website that implored supporters to "close ranks." "Do we have differences of opinion? Yes. But the time is over to continue talking about those [issues]," he remarked.
Meanwhile, many Kucinich delegates at the convention felt dejected. Initially, the man for whom they had devoted much time and energy intimated that he would "release" them, paving the way for their robotic votes for Kerry.
Later, after hearing impassioned (and tearful) testimonies from his delegates, Kucinich changed his mind, and told them to "vote their conscience." Fair enough. But most ended up voting for Kerry regardless. And what did they receive in return for their candidate and most of their delegates' support for Kerry? Not much.
Despite the generally symbolic role of the platform in modern politics (GW Bush in 2000 infamously bragged that he had never read the GOP platform), seventeen Kucinich platform demands were axed in exchange for a borderline nonsensical statement with no hint of an exit strategy or an impending pullout from Iraq. It pledged to remove troops "when appropriate so that the military support needed by a sovereign Iraqi government will no longer be seen as the direct continuation of an American military presence."
Absent from the platform was support for Palestinian rights, a repeal of the PATRIOT Act, as well as repudiation of the pre-emptive war doctrine in principle and as executed in Iraq.
"I ask you, are millions of anti-war/anti-occupation Americans welcome in the Democratic Party? If such voters are indeed welcome, I urge you to demonstrate this by permitting debate within the party on the war and occupation issue, both in Miami and in Boston," wrote Jessie Jackson, prior to campaigning for a candidate who said nary a word about the exponential proliferation of the racist prison-industrial complex, increasing poverty, or black male unemployment, now over 50% in New York City alone.
As much as one can appreciate Congressman Kucinich's past efforts, it is clear that noble attempts to transform the Democratic Party from within are wasted endeavors.
The convention itself was a difficult affair for many who attended. As polls indicated, 80-90% of the attending delegates declared themselves anti-war. Those trying to express such a view quickly received the muzzle.
Charles Underwood, the only Minnesota Kucinich delegate to vote for Kucinich, told Amy Goodman's radio program Democracy Now!: "I am just very disappointed that there is no ability to express any hope for peace on the floor of this convention. We have had our signs confiscated, we've had our scarves for peace, you know, 'Delegate For Peace,' confiscated. We have had people that tell us to sit down and be quiet."
Meanwhile, the anti-war delegates were not lucky enough to hear any speeches at the DNC that matched their point of view, and in fact were presented with two gung-ho militaristic ones instead.
Vice Presidential candidate John Edwards told the anti-war delegates: "We will always use our military might to keep the American people safe. And we, John and I, will have one clear unmistakable message for al Qaeda and these terrorists. You cannot run. You cannot hide. And we will destroy you."
Dissent Squashed
Having neutralized Dean and later Kucinich, the two major voices of dissent in the party (one superficial, the other genuine), Kerry embraced the pre-emptive war doctrine on live national television during the Presidential debates, all while declaring alternately that the Iraq war was a "mistake," and all while expressing support for continued occupation. Classification as "flip-flopper" worked beautifully for Karl Rove and the GOP.
Meanwhile, Kerry allowed a growing number of rogues to assist his crafting of foreign policy. Richard Holbrooke, Assistant Secretary of State to Jimmy Carter and green-stamper of additional arms shipments to Indonesia during the Suharto regime, wrote many rapid-response memos on Kerry's web site.
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