This book does not deal with then-projected outcomes of Right-Wing Reactionary policies over which there was in the late 20th century considerable scientific controversy. Thus for the most part excluded are, for example, in the environmental arena (except for natural resources policy) the predictable effects of global warming caused by human activity (Stevens), the marked destruction of the ozone layer, and the sharp decline in biodiversity.
Many of the predicted environmental disasters caused or significantly abetted by Right-Wing Reactionary policies did indeed occur, and our people are now paying dearly for them. However, in the late 20th century, the outcomes of those policies could not have been predicted with nearly the accuracy of those predictions that could then be made of the political and economic outcomes for the country if Right-Wing Reaction took power.
Through its presentation and analysis of major documents, the book shows how the three branches of the Right-Wing Reaction in the late-20th century U.S., the Republican Right, the Religious Right, and the Far Right (such organizations as The Order, the Aryan Nation, the Posse Comitatus), over time formed a working coalition and took full political power at both the national and state levels between 2001 and 2009.1 They did so by in the first instance following the electoral strategy developed by the Christian Coalition, called "The 15% Solution" (see Chapter two). Hence the title of this book.
As is now well-known, once in power, Right-Wing Reaction achieved virtually all of its stated goals in the political, social, and economic arenas, and then some. In the beginning at least, through the electoral process they did this entirely by legal/constitutional means. The predictably widening use of force and violence came later. And the more profound results of the takeover, such as the creation of the New American Republics came later too, but predictably as well.
The Structure of the Book
This book has three sections. Section I sets the stage. Chapter one, "Prelude to Fascism," is an essay written in 1995 by one Dino Louis, a political analyst of the time. (Several late 20th century analytical and prescriptive essays or notes for essays by Mr. Louis, concerning major socio-political issues of the Transition Era are included in the book, in Appendices II - VII. There is no record that anyone with any political power or influence ever paid any heed to Mr. Louis' recommendations. (For a brief biography of Mr. Louis, see "The Historical Voices," below.) Chapter two presents an overview and outline of the book.
Section II, the book's longest, for the most part features selected historical documents which marked major events of the Fascist Period. Annotating, highlighting, and punctuating each of the documents are writings by four selected observer/participants of the time. They provide comments/perspectives/reflections from several different points of view. The bulk of the text, however, is provided by me in (longer) "Author's Commentaries" and (shorter) "Author's Notes."
Section III presents a retrospective chapter (20) by me considering "What Could Have Been Done" to prevent the national nightmare from ever occurring. Appendix VII, an essay by Dino Louis on his untried political/ideological strategy for preventing the rise of Fascism, called "The New Patriotism," can be read in tandem with Chapter 20.
The Historical Voices
The selected writings appearing throughout the book are by the following five historical figures:
" Dino Louis. A well-known, well-respected, and well-employed free-lance sports journalist, Louis engaged in political analysis on the side. From time-to-time he made attempts to draw attention to his political work, but was never successful in so doing.
Louis disappeared in 2001. It is not known whether he was able to successfully emigrate. Many who could afford it did, in that year before foreign travel for American citizens was restricted as it had been during the McCarthy Era of the 1950s. (In that case he may just have maintained a low profile abroad to avoid detection by the International Death Squads.) Or he may have been caught and "disappeared" in the old CIA-inspired Latin American style of the 1970s and 1980s by a pre-Helmsmen Domestic Death Squad. In any case, he had sent copies of the essays reproduced here to his friend Alex Poughton in London, as they were written. Those copies, preserved in Poughton's library, are used here with permission.
" Alex Poughton. The pencil-thin English journalist Alex Poughton sported a pencil-thin mustache and bore a striking resemblance to the well-known English actor of the second half of the twentieth century, David Niven. Poughton chronicled the Fascist Period for the London Sunday Times under the head "American Democracy." Staying in political tune with the owner of his paper, Poughton's published writings were generally favorable to the Fascist regime, and he was able to remain in and travel freely throughout the country (as a whole before 2011 and in the White Republic after that date).
However, published here are not his public puff pieces but private letters that he sent home by diplomatic pouch (through his connections in the British Embassy) from time to time. They present a rather different picture of American reality. The "Karl" to whom these letters were written has never been identified. Thus the originals are lost. But along with the Louis essays, copies are preserved in Poughton's library and are used here with permission.
" Curley Oakwood. At 6'5" tall, weighing in at 320 lbs., his shaved head was always slightly aglow with sweat when bathed in the glow of television lights. He was the dominant electronic media figure of the Period. Presented here are transcripts of broadcasts he made during the Fascist Period, until he went off the air the day before New Washington fell in 2023.
A high-school drop-out with a great radio voice, a great deal of personal hate and resentment of anyone he regarded as "different," and a great ability to absorb quickly and regurgitate faithfully the intensive political coaching he received daily throughout his career from his Right-Wing political mentors, Oakwood began his career at the age 25 in 1997.