This APA special journal issue offered little discussion of conceptual challenges or ethical considerations, nor did it provide any forum for independent critical or cautionary voices. In sum, the APA's stance toward CSF was little more than cheerleading for an untested military research project one with enormous ramifications about which many crucial questions should have been asked. For example, might the program be harmful for some soldiers, perhaps by undermining previously learned successful coping strategies? Or, by fortifying perseverance in the face of adversity, might CSF lead soldiers to engage in actions including harm to civilians that later cause deep regret and moral injury, thereby increasing the potential for PTSD and other post-combat psychological difficulties? Or, might this resilience program lead some to deny, for a time at least, the adverse effects of their traumatic experiences, heightening the likelihood of premature redeployment to battle zones with further risk of serious disability?
The APA's promotion of the flawed CSF program is yet further evidence of the organization's failure to adequately confront the often-staggering consequences that flow from uncritical support of our country's military ambitions, all too frequently yoked to the interests of mega-corporations and their largest shareholders. "Blind patriotism" a topic psychologists have studied serves to advance policies, framed as "national security" endeavors, that inevitably endanger the well-being of our own soldiers, combatants on the other side, and many innocent civilians all while squandering precious resources.
Drone Warfare
With names like the Predator and the Reaper, weaponized drones used by the U.S. military and the CIA should raise significant concerns for the profession of psychology. A detailed multi-university report examining U.S. drone policy found that "Their presence terrorizes men, women, and children, giving rise to anxiety and psychological trauma among civilian communities. Those living under drones have to face the constant worry that a deadly strike may be fired at any moment, and the knowledge that they are powerless to protect themselves." Similarly, the director of the human rights organization Reprieve has described the use of these drones as "a form of psychological torture and collective punishment."
These realities raise compelling questions about the ethics of psychologists' involvement in such operations. In 2013, members of the APA's peace psychology division (including the author) wrote to the APA's ethics office requesting guidance as to whether, according to the ethics code, it is permissible for a psychologist to be involved in the operation of a weaponized drone; to work as an intelligence consultant in the targeting of drone strikes; to participate in programs designed to select drone operators or train them to overcome the natural psychological aversion to killing other people; or to assist in promoting public support for the use of these drones by misrepresenting evidence of the harm caused by such attacks. Sadly, but perhaps predictably, this request was never answered by the APA's ethics office.
It is difficult to obtain detailed information about the ways in which psychologists may be participating in drone-related operations, especially when that work is classified. But we do know that psychologists are conducting research with drone pilots. One area involves figuring out which skills and attributes make for a top-notch pilot. Some of this research examines how a pilot's belief system and "moral motivation" may negatively affect their performance when it comes to the deployment of weapons. Another research area apparently involves looking at how to reduce the high levels of stress, PTSD, depression, and substance abuse among drone operators. According to one account, the development of a Siri-like user interface aims to anthropomorphize the drone so that the pilot feels less responsible for the death and destruction wrought. Seemingly not under investigation is whether wars will become more likely and more frequent as we become enthralled with the prospect of discomfort-free and risk-free killing from afar.
The Defense Budget
In an address shortly after becoming U.S. president in 1953, General Dwight D. Eisenhower said, "Every gun that is made, every warship launched, every rocket fired signifies, in the final sense, a theft from those who hunger and are not fed, those who are cold and are not clothed." Nevertheless, there is near unanimous bipartisan support in Congress for our ever-growing defense budget a budget now exceeding that of the next seven largest countries combined. The most direct beneficiaries of this outsized spending are, regrettably, often giant defense contractors and weapons builders. The United States is also the largest international arms seller with ongoing efforts to promote even bigger markets that include countries ruled by ruthless autocrats. But none of this seems to garner meaningful comment from the APA, even though psychology offers valuable insights into the potentially destructive consequences of individual and collective choices driven by fear, greed, conformity, or blind patriotism.
When the federal budget is under discussion in Washington, DC, at times the APA does indeed warn against cuts to key domestic programs, including those that involve practice opportunities for psychologists. But the association rarely if ever speaks out against the enormous financial drain that is today's military-intelligence establishment. In fact, when the APA gives testimony before defense appropriations committees, it routinely calls for more funding for psychological research with military applications. Moreover, the APA members selected to argue this case are usually high-level staffers at the Human Resources Research Organization (HumRRO), a defense contractor first established decades ago to develop "psychological warfare" techniques. HumRRO's connections with the APA are long, deep, and arguably problematic. The company has received tens of millions of defense dollars, and its research projects have included work on developing "overwhelmingly lethal" combat systems.
Professional Ethics
Leaders of the APA's military psychology division have been among the most outspoken proponents of modifying our understanding of the profession's ethics. Some of them have participated in the harsh detention and interrogation operations at Guanta'namo. Others have argued that the U.S. government is the psychologist's primary client in military contexts, and that society's interests as determined by the government should override other professional ethical considerations for psychologists. And another military psychologist has recommended that psychotherapy techniques be used to train soldiers in "adaptive killing"to help them overcome the natural aversion to taking another life, and the tendency to feel guilty after doing so. These same interests were also behind recent efforts to change an APA policy that currently restricts psychologists from working at Guanta'namo and other U.S. detention facilities that violate international law. Although that resolution was soundly defeated by the association's governing body, the APA's president nevertheless sent a follow-up letter assuring the Department of Defense that the prohibition was merely "aspirational" and not enforceable.
Many of these issues reflect a worrisome and growing trend toward what this author and colleagues have called "adversarial operational psychology." This area of practice diverges from the profession's traditional do-no-harm ethical principles in three ways: psychologists engage in military-intelligence activities where individuals or groups are targeted for harm; these targets have not provided their voluntary informed consent; and these psychologists are shielded from professional ethical oversight by a maze of classified projects and security clearances. To be clear, most psychologists whose work supports the U.S. military and other defense-related agencies do not serve in these roles. But ongoing efforts to build and promote this specialization reflect the further weaponization of psychology and can jeopardize the public's trust in the profession. At the same time, they also pose a threat to a psychological science that depends upon transparency, data sharing, and peer review.
Breaking Free from the Addiction
There are undoubtedly multiple reasons why the APA seems to lose its scientific rudder, moral compass, and independent voice in the military-intelligence arena, where violence, domination, and oppression are too often the preferred tools of U.S. foreign policy. Perhaps it is in part because the Department of Defense is a valued employer of psychologists, a significant funder of psychological research, and a key source of internships for graduate students in clinical psychology. As well, in influential circles strong connections with the Pentagon can bring an organization considerable stature and a proverbial "seat at the table" for policy deliberations with national and international ramifications. And we should not overlook the reality that, when couched as "patriotism," calls to action and obedience are never easy to resist for individuals or groups. After all, that is why they have been standard fare for demagogues across time and place.
But what does the mission of "advancing psychology to benefit society and improve people's lives" truly mean if the APA refuses to counter fearmongering propaganda, the manipulative nurturing of enemy images, and the misuse of military might? The consequences of our failure to rein in these forces are stark: nearly 800 overseas military bases; massive weapons expenditures that hinder urgent domestic spending needs; assertions of exceptionalism that encourage a disturbing disregard for the lives and suffering of non-Americans; and unencumbered power for narrow interests that may find the threat and spoils of war far more profitable than diplomatic success or lasting peace.
What would "breaking free" look like for the APA? Here are several examples. The APA can advocate for an end to the indefinite detention of Guanta'namo detainees and for closure of that infamous facility, where imprisonment violates international law and has caused severe psychological harm. The APA can help the public better understand that the psychology fostering exaggerated fears of terrorism can also lead to unscientific programs that jeopardize civil liberties especially for those who are already most vulnerable to prejudice and stereotyping. The APA can raise alarm about psychological strategies behind today's military recruitment efforts, which increasingly target younger teens and those whose financial and educational circumstances make them especially susceptible to false assurances or misrepresentations. The APA can call for reductions in our massive and burgeoning military budget that chokes off funding for domestic programs Medicare, Medicaid, affordable housing, public transportation, student aid that are essential contributors to our nation's psychological health. And the APA can implement stronger internal policies to ensure that its own deliberations are not unduly influenced by those who benefit from financial ties to the military-intelligence establishment.
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