Even Republicans and military members applaud
‘Fahrenheit 9/11’
By Kevin J. Shay
"There’s a warnin’ sign on the road ahead,
There’s a lot of people sayin’ we’d be better off dead,
Don’t feel like Satan, but I am to them,
So I try to forget it, any way I can."
- Neil Young, "Rockin’ in the Free World"
I recently saw Michael Moore’s film, "Fahrenheit 9/11,"
which even reviewers for conservative media outlets like Fox News
have praised. I knew I would like the documentary, based on reviews I
read. But still, I can’t remember seeing a movie that has affected me
as much. I can’t remember ever seeing a movie where the audience gave
it a standing ovation when it ended, which occurred in many more
theaters across the country than just the Maryland one I attended.
"Fahrenheit 9/11" made me laugh, made me sad, made me
angry, made me optimistic. But most of all, it made me think and want to
do even more than I am doing to help get Bush-Cheney out of the White
House.
Before you dismiss Moore’s latest film as one that only appeals to
people who didn’t like Bush-Cheney much in the first place, consider
the reaction of some Bush-Cheney supporters, military veterans and
family members who saw it.
Natalie Sorton, a 25-year-old moderate Republican and wife of an
infantryman who served in Iraq and Afghanistan, told The Fayetteville
Observer in North Carolina, where Fort Bragg is, that the movie
changed her opinion of the war in Iraq. "All this movie did was
open my eyes a little more to what’s really going on," she said.
"I think this is definitely going to have an impact on the
election. I’m glad I’m a voter."
Moore, who like me obtained the highest rank of Eagle in the Boy
Scouts, portrayed soldiers accurately as doing what they were told,
Sorton said. Trevor, a Kansas City Army veteran and civic engineer who
votes Republican, added in a Kansas City newspaper’s report that
"Fahrenheit 9/11" contained the most accurate portrayal of the
military experience he’s ever seen in a movie.
Greg Rohwer-Selken, 33, of Ames, Iowa, whose wife, Karol, is serving
in the National Guard in Iraq, was moved to tears and told Time
Magazine, "It really made me question why she has to be over
there."
A conservative Republican, 20-something woman in Pensacola, Fla.,
cried throughout the film and gave similar comments to The New York
Times. "It really makes me question what I feel about the
president," she said. "It makes me question his motive."
A man Newsday described as an "ardent Bush/Cheney
supporter" in New York said, "It’s really given me pause to
think about what’s really going on. There was just too much - too much
to discount."
In conservative Indiana County, Pa., Eric Blank told the Indiana
Gazette, "I have not felt this angry toward an administration
ever. I wanted Clinton yanked from office, but I think Bush should go to
jail."
Outside a Missouri theater, Leslie Hanser told the Los Angeles
Times she had supported Bush "fiercely" before but finally
understood why many Americans opposed his policies. "I feel like we
haven’t seen the whole truth before," she said.
Moore took pains to support U.S. troops and put the blame for the
Iraq war where it belonged, starting at the top - Bush and Cheney. Those
"Chicken Hawks" used their family connections and other
strings to get out of going to the Vietnam War when some other
politicians in their generation, like John McCain and John Kerry, could
have done so but didn’t.
At one point in "Fahrenheit 9/11," Moore said he was amazed
that the people who received so little from this country, like the poor,
were usually the ones who gave so much by dying and getting injured in
war. Of course, not just the poor are in the military. A good part is
middle class, but very few wealthy families put their kids in harm’s
way. Only one out of 535 members of Congress, which largely supported
the Iraqi invasion, had a child there, and few Congress members would
talk with Moore when he tried to confront them about that fact outside
the Capitol.
Moore said on his Internet site that he was heartened by military
families’ support for his film. "Our troops know the truth,"
he wrote. "They have seen it first-hand. And many of them could not
believe that here was a movie that was TRULY on their side – the side
of bringing them home alive and never sending them into harm’s way
again unless it’s the absolute last resort."
Moore received moving letters from countless people, including
Marines in Twentynine Palms, Calif., and a church group in Tulsa, Okla.
Someone from Mobile, Ala., a Deep South city described as one
"where you risk life and property" for not supporting Bush,
wrote about the
people with "ashen faces" and disbelief
leaving the theater, some "muttering words of resolve about
voting" out Bush. In Colorado Springs, another vastly conservative
city, a woman whose husband is a disabled Army vet reported that the
audience applauded and some even whistled at the end. In Texas, a woman
wrote about her 26-year-old friend who told her before watching the
movie that she wasn’t going to vote, then changed her tune afterwards.
Of course, there is Lila Lipscomb, the Michigan mother of a soldier
who died in Iraq who played a prominent role in Moore’s film. Once a
conservative Democrat who loathed anti-war protesters, the movie
portrayed her transformation. "I’ve since come to realize that
the protesters of today are protesting against the act of war," she
said. "I accept that. We have a right to protest that."
Among the celebrities and media types giving
"Fahrenheit 9/11" their endorsements were some unexpected
ones. Auto racer Dale Earnhardt Jr., a hero of the NASCAR Bubba set,
took his crew to see the movie, then said, "It’ll be a good
bonding experience no matter what your political belief. It’s a good
thing as an American to go see."
Roger Friedman from Fox News, the TV network which, led by a
Bush relative working there, called the 2000 presidential election for
Bush prematurely, wrote that "Fahrenheit 9/11" was a
"really brilliant piece of work, and a film that members of all
political parties should see without fail."
But some will not even heed such advice from fellow
conservatives. Right-wing talk show host, three-time divorcee and drug
addict Rush Limbaugh dismissed "Fahrenheit 9/11" as a
"pack of lies" without seeing the movie. White House
Communications Director Dan Bartlett called the film "outrageously
false," even though he hadn’t seen it. He also told CNN,
"This is a film that doesn’t require us to actually view it to
know that it’s filled with factual inaccuracies." As Moore
stated, "At least they’re consistent. They never needed to see a
single weapon of mass destruction [in Iraq] before sending our kids off
to die."
Moore went to great pains to get his facts right. He hired the former
chief of fact checking at New Yorker magazine to comb the
film for inaccuracies. "There’s lots of disagreement with my
analysis of these facts or my opinion based on the facts," he told Time.
"There is not a single factual error in the movie."
The New York Times, which is not near as liberal as many people
think, largely agreed with Moore, writing, "Central assertions of
fact in ‘Fahrenheit 9/11’ are supported by the public record."
For instance, Moore’s contention that Bush spent 42 percent of his
first eight months as president on vacation came from The Washington
Post, which is also not as liberal as many think.
Besides Bartlett, most White House officials have refrained from
issuing public comments. But Bush Sr., who still exerts a certain amount
of influence at the White House, called Moore a "slimeball."
Other White House officials were "furious" about the movie,
according to Washington Post political columnist Terry Neal. You
can be sure that someone in that house has seen it, despite their
denials.
Television host David Letterman gave some insight into
what Bush and other White House officials were really thinking with a
Top Ten List on "Bush Complaints About ‘Fahrenheit 9/11.’"
Among those were that "The actor who played the president was
totally unconvincing," "It oversimplified the way I stole the
election," and "Couldn’t hear most of the movie over
Cheney’s foul mouth."
Moore’s detractors also include Move America
Forward, a California front organization for the Republican public
relations firm Russo Marsh and Rogers that organized an unsuccessful
campaign to pressure theaters not to show the film. The address given on
MAF’s articles of incorporation with the California Secretary of
State’s office is the exact same one as Russo Marsh and Rogers’
address, down to the suite number. But Russo chooses to dishonestly hide
that tie on MAF’s site that claims MAF is "non-partisan,"
despite the fact that every single officer listed on its site is a
partisan Republican.
Citizens United, another conservative front group that
lies about being "non-partisan" on its Internet site and is
headed by David Bossie, whose books and other writings only attack
Democrats, is trying to get the Federal Election Commission to censor
advertising for "Fahrenheit 9/11" by claiming it is a
political group and violates campaign laws. Chicago Tribune
columnist Clarence Page wrote recently that Citizens United produced the
highly misleading Willie Horton ads used by Republicans against
Democratic presidential candidate Michael Dukakis in 1988 and the
Gennifer Flowers ads employed against Clinton in the 1990s. So not only
is Citizens United dishonest about being "non-partisan," but
it is violating IRS laws against 501 (c) (3) nonprofit organizations
engaging in political activities.
Moore, himself, is not as partisan as these Republican groups that
lie about being "non-partisan." He does not spare Democrats in
his film. Moore points out how most Democratic senators, including
Kerry, not only voted for the Iraq war but didn’t criticize Bush’s
decision to invade until recently. In one scene, Senate Minority Leader
Tom Daschle urged his colleagues to vote for Bush’s Iraq war. Daschle
attended the Washington, D.C., premiere of "Fahrenheit 9/11"
and told Moore after seeing the film that he "felt bad and that we
were all going to fight from now on." That’s a key difference
between Democratic politicians and Republican ones: Most Democrats will
admit when they are wrong, while most Republicans won’t.
Still, there are some Republicans who will admit when they are wrong
and even speak out against policies that are wrong. One is retired
Marine General Anthony Zinni, the Bush administration’s special envoy
to the Middle East and commander of the U.S. Central Command in the
Middle East in the late 1990s. Zinni recently said senior Pentagon
officials were guilty of "dereliction of duty" for poor
strategic thinking, operational planning and ground execution. Lack of
basic equipment has been a continuous problem in this war; the Army did
not fully equip soldiers with bullet-proof vests until June 2004, as
many soldiers had to pay for such vests themselves.
"The course is headed over Niagara Falls," Zinni told CBS
News. "I think it’s time to change course a little bit, or at
least hold somebody responsible for putting you on this course. Because
it’s been a failure."
Stefan Halper, a deputy assistant secretary of state under Reagan who
gave $1,000 to Bush’s campaign and more than $83,000 to other GOP
causes in 2000, recently told a Washington conservative group that there
is a "growing restiveness in the Republican base about this
war." Saying the Iraqi invasion cost a lot of money and isolated
the U.S. from allies, Halper said, "This is not the cakewalk the
neo-conservatives predicted. We were not greeted with flowers in the
streets." He added that many who heard his address agreed.
Paul Sperry, Washington bureau chief for the conservative ezine World
Net Daily, wrote in October 2003 how Bush lied about Iraq and
diverted needed resources from Afghanistan. "Forget that Bush lied
about the reasons for putting our sons and daughters in harm’s way in
Iraq; and forget that he sent 140,000 troops there with bull’s-eyes on
their backs, then dared their attackers to bring it on," Sperry
wrote. "It was the height of irresponsibility to have done so in
the middle of a war on al-Qaida, the real and proven threat to America.
Bush diverted those troops and other resources – including
intelligence assets, Arabic translators and hundreds of billions of tax
dollars – from the hunt for Osama bin Laden and other al-Qaida leaders
along the Afghan-Pakistani border. And now they’ve regrouped and are
as threatening as ever. That’s inexcusable, and Bush supporters with
any intellectual honesty and concern for their own families’ safety
should be mad as hell about it – and that’s coming from someone who
voted for Bush."
Tom Hutchinson, 69, a conservative retired businessman
and professor from Sturgeon, Mo., who volunteered for the Bush campaign
in 2000, told the Associated Press that the war was a "total
travesty" and he may sit out the 2004 election for the first time
since 1956. Jack Walters, 59, another conservative from Columbia, Mo.,
called Bush’s reasons for invading Iraq "lame" and was
undecided about his presidential choice.
In Washington, conservative members of the Senate Armed Services and
Foreign Relations committees have become increasingly aggressive about
pushing for answers on the war and disagreeing with the Pentagon about
issues like troop levels.
For the record, a recent study by the Institute for Policy Studies
and Foreign Policy in Focus in Washington found that more than 5,000
U.S. soldiers have been wounded in the Iraqi war to go with the
widely-reported figure that almost 900 troops have been killed. That’s
about six times as many as the 148 U.S. troops killed in the 1991
Persian Gulf War.
U.S. and Iraqi government officials callously don’t even count how
many Iraqis have died and been injured. It’s apparently more important
to keep people in the dark, which helps hold dissent to a minimum. The
study estimates that more than 9,000 Iraqi civilians have been killed
and 40,000 Iraqis injured.
Despite Bush officials’ attempts to keep people uninformed, a
recent poll by the Annenberg Election Survey founded that 54 percent
felt that "the situation in Iraq was not worth going to war
over." The situation sure has not stemmed terrorism; there were 98
suicide attacks around the world in 2003, more than any year in modern
history.
As far as financial costs, the U.S. has spent more than $126 billion
on the Iraqi war, with much more on the way. Economist Doug Henwood
estimated that the bill will add up to an average of at least $3,415 for
every U.S. household. Moore’s film showed how much of that money was
going to private contractors like Halliburton, which Cheney formerly
headed and helped to obtain no-bid contracts, even as he still received
compensation from the company just last year. At one point, a young U.S.
soldier noted how truck drivers for Halliburton in Iraq were making four
or five times as much as he was, when he was protecting them and more in
harm’s way. "That doesn’t seem right," the soldier said.
Halliburton has even been under investigation by the Defense
Department inspector general’s office since February for reportedly
overcharging by $61 million for fuel supplied to U.S. troops and
civilians in Iraq, as well as charging U.S. taxpayers $160 million for
meals that were never served to troops.
One scene in "Fahrenheit 9/11" showed better than others
who is closest to Bush. Dressed in a tuxedo, Bush tells a banquet room
full of wealthy campaign contributors, "Here I am, with the
‘have’s’ and the ‘have-more’s.’ People call you the
‘elite.’ I call you ‘my base.’"
Moore’s movie also touched on some dangerous precedents set in the
so-called Patriot Act, but didn’t even cover how Bush’s decision to
invade Iraq violated the United Nations charter, how the U.S. violated
the Geneva Convention in its treatment of detainees, how a U.S. Justice
Department memo proclaimed that torture of prisoners was legal in
violation of the International Convention Against Torture.
Seeing that Iraq was not really an "imminent" threat
against the U.S. before the war, that there were really no weapons of
mass destruction there, that Hussein did not have anything to do with
Sept. 11, what is this Iraqi war really about? Two words: Empire and
oil.
In September 2000, two months before the stolen election, a
neo-conservative think tank called Project for the New American Century
released a report that advocated that the U.S. assert its military
dominance over the world to shape "the international security order
in line with American principles and interests." It called for
"regime change" in Iraq and China, among other countries, and
to "fight and decisively win multiple, simultaneous major theater
wars." Vice President Dick Cheney, Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, Florida Gov. Jeb
Bush, and Lewis Libby, Cheney’s chief of staff, were prominent members
of the Washington, D.C.-based organization. Some of them had lobbied the
Clinton administration several years before to invade Iraq, which by no
coincidence, contains the second largest oil reserves on the planet.
"The United States has for decades sought to play a more
permanent role in Gulf regional security," the publication said.
"While the unresolved conflict with Iraq provides the immediate
justification, the need for a substantial American force presence in the
Gulf transcends the issue of the regime of Saddam Hussein."
The report added the U.S. military needed to be transformed to
control not just the Middle East and other regions, but space and
cyberspace, even to the points of establishing "U.S. Space
Forces" and developing biological and electrical weapons. This
transformation would likely take a long time "absent some
catastrophic and catalyzing event - like a new Pearl Harbor," the
authors wrote.
A year later, the group had its "new Pearl Harbor."
Even as fires from Flight 77 burned on one side of the Pentagon,
Rumsfeld wrote down his thoughts on the other side: "Judge whether
good enough [to] hit S.H. at the same time. Not only UBL.....Go massive.
Sweep it all up. Things related and not."
Welcome to the Disguised War on Terror That is Really about Building
an Empire.
As the credits to "Fahrenheit 9/11" rolled, I listened to
Neil Young’s "Rockin’ in the Free World," reading the
names of those who produced such a powerful flick. When I finally left
the theater after Moore’s final message – "Do something" -
I turned only to see an empty room, except for two senior women who
remained to discuss what they just saw. A theater employee handed me a
pack of aspirin, saying it was for "in case of a headache."
"Thanks," I said. "But I think the people in the White
House need this more than me."
With the many reports of Bush-Cheney supporters applauding
"Fahrenheit 9/11" and most polls showing the Kerry-Edwards
ticket ahead, is it any wonder that Bush-Cheney officials are talking
about finding ways to postpone the Nov. 2 election? Their campaign
depends on keeping people in fear, of enemies foreign and domestic, of
terrorists seen and unseen, of snipers imagined and real. In a time that
was arguably more dangerous than today, Americans heard Franklin D.
Roosevelt say, "There is nothing to fear but fear itself."
From Bush-Cheney, we mostly hear about warnings that terrorists will
strike, somewhere, somehow, someday.
I hope, come Nov. 2, many more people show Bush-Cheney that the
United States of America can do better.
"We got a thousand points of light for the
homeless man,
We got a kinder, gentler, machine gun hand….
Keep on rockin’ in the free world,
Keep on rockin’ in the free world…."
Kevin J. Shay, a Washington, D.C.-area writer, won a
2002 International Peacewriting Award for Walking Through the Wall,
an electronic book about a transcontinental march for peace and justice
he joined. The latest book to which he contributed, Big Bush Lies,
was recently released by RiverWood Books and is available in bookstores
across the country.