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To The Streets: Annals of The Culture of Politics, Part 1

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The 2012 election campaign is in full swing, beginning, once again, to stage the vast (and vastly repetitive) drama that periodically mesmerizes the body politic. Like a huge pod out of Invasion of The Body-Snatchers, it replaces actual democracy with an expensive similacrum. From time to time, I'm going to focus on the culture of politics in the United States, pursuing these questions: what can we do to resuscitate democracy in this country? What means are at our disposal? What imposed stories must be cleared away to reveal the true nature of power and our collective agency in exercising it?

Right now, many people are so discouraged by electoral politics that exhortations to take to the streets are arising with unusual frequency and force. Yet I find myself deeply ambivalent about the sort of direct political action that focuses on street demonstrations. I don't think it's all me, though. In truth, the ambivalence seems inherent in the language of human bodies on the march.

Communicating with picket signs doesn't support a lot of nuance. When the message is clear and delivered on a scale both large and notable enough to command media attention, meaning comes through. From the 1963 March on Washington to Soweto to Tiananmen to Tahrir, when huge crowds stand to speak truth to power--especially when power imperils protestors' lives--the message is received, and often, it moves the world.

But when the message is more diffuse, the scale much smaller, and/or the media uncooperative, the effect can be paradoxical, expressing the opposite of organizers' intentions. We don't know what else to do, such actions can say. But we have to do something.

The flashpoint in Soweto was a 1974 decree that henceforth, certain courses had to be taught in Afrikaans, the language of apartheid. It was the brutal 1976 murder of 176 of the marching student protesters that captured the world's attention. In Tiananmen Square in 1989, mourning the death of a pro-liberation official became the catalyst for a brave outcry for human and economic rights. Once more, the image of unarmed civilians falling to tanks and guns triggered international outrage.

The meta-message of such actions is always that great numbers are willing to sacrifice and risk to stand for freedom. When the whole world is watching (to borrow a slogan from the antiwar street demonstrations during the 1968 Democratic National Convention in Chicago), the hope is that horror or shame will play a part in mobilizing popular support for the demonstrators' cause.

In smaller actions, demonstrators also hope to evoke outrage, support for change, calling the powers-that-be to account. From the individual perspective, the degree of courage and commitment can be equivalent, no matter the scale. But when the message is not multiplied by many thousands, often, the actions seem to undermine their intentions, by signalling weakness or desperation--or both.

When I look at the culture of politics in this country, I am sad that for many dedicated advocates of human rights, social justice, and environmental healing see so little hope of intervening through conventional means that symbolic action is all that's left, and even that cannot currently achieve critical mass.

Right now, demonstrators are in New York for Occupy Wall Street, conceived as an ongoing confrontation with economic policies that concentrate power and wealth. About 80 protesters were arrested on Saturday as they marched north to Union Square from their encampment in Zuccotti Park, at Broadway and Liberty Street. Most of what I've heard about the protest has focused on complaints in alternative news outlets and via social media that the protests weren't getting the press coverage they warranted. (Although recent police actions have drawn some press, as Nathan Schneider reports.) Someone also sent me a link to a long list of activists who ought to be invited to the protests; my name is on it, but no one has followed up.

Danny Schechter has a heartfelt account of the demonstrations that sums up the double message I am describing.

The mainstream press coverage the demonstration has attracted is snide in an extremely interesting way. Consider Ginia Bellafante's New York Times piece published on Friday: it starts out making fun of demonstrators whose unconventional dress or demeanor singles them out for ridicule, takes the whole enterprise to task for lack of focus, and--having established the writer as anything but a fellow-traveler--makes the protesters' case:

Members retained hope for an infusion of energy over the weekend, but as it approached, the issue was not that the Bastille hadn't been stormed, but that its facade had suffered hardly a chip. It is a curious fact of life in New York that even as the disparities between rich and poor grow deeper, the kind of large-scale civil agitation that Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg recently suggested might happen here hasn't taken shape. The city has two million more residents than Wisconsin, but there, continuing protests of the state budget bill this year turned out approximately 100,000 people at their peak. When a similar mobilization was attempted in June to challenge the city's budget cuts, 100 people arrived for a sleep-in near City Hall.

Last week brought a disheartening coupling of statistics further delineating the city's economic divide: The Forbes 400 list of wealthiest Americans, which included more than 50 New Yorkers whose combined net worth totaled $211 billion, arrived at the same moment as census data showing that the percentage of the city's population living in poverty had risen to 20.1 percent. And yet the revolution did not appear to be brewing.

Occupy Wall Street protestors, heartily sick of being told that their demands are not clear, responded to mainstream press critiques with a kind of poem, pointed, ironic, and so hugely encompassing that it simultaneously answers critics and proves their point. Here are a few lines:


This is the fifth communique from the 99 percent. We are occupying Wall Street.

On September 21st, 2011, Troy Davis, an innocent man, was murdered by the state of Georgia. Troy Davis was one of the 99 percent.

Ending capital punishment is our one demand.

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http://arlenegoldbard.com/blog/

Arlene Goldbard is a writer, speaker, social activist, and consultant who works for justice, compassion and honor in every sphere, from the interpersonal to the transnational. She is known for her provocative, independent voice and her ability to (more...)
 

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