THE
HUNDREDTH PHONE CALL
By Paul Rogat Loeb
We never quite know when that last bit of effort will make the
difference.
On the eve of the 2000 election, I distributed door-hangers for a
closely fought US Senate race in Washington State. I walked four
precincts, and by the four hundredth house, was cold, tired, and thought
of quitting. Climbing stair after stair on block after block, I kept
hearing the classic Nirvana line, "Grandma take me home." But
there were more houses to visit, more materials to give out, more people
to talk with, when they were in. So I continued till the end, though my
voice was already raw from spending every night the previous week calling
endless phone lists to recruit more volunteers. On Election Day, there
were 15,000-20,000 of us statewide, holding up signs during morning rush
hour, calling and recalling voters who hadn't cast their ballots, watching
the polls to check off who had voted. As a result of everything we did,
and all our previous efforts, not only did Al Gore carry the state by an
ample margin, but after a recount, Democrat Maria Cantwell defeated
hard-right Republican Senator Slade Gorton by 2,229 votes out of more than
2.5 million cast. If each volunteer accounted for just a fraction of a
vote, our actions changed the outcome.
It's easy to think of our individual efforts as so insignificant and
inconsequential that they're hardly worth the effort. But when enough of
us act in small ways, our combined impact can change history. That's true
even when our actions seem mundane and prosaic, yielding minuscule fruits
for the labor we put in. We can spend an entire day calling voters,
distributing literature, knocking on doors, and signing people up for
rides to the polls-and produce only a handful of additional votes. Yet if
15,000 others do the same, or 50,000, or several million, working all
across America, our impact can be literally world changing. That was true
last election, where a hundred additional volunteers could have swung
Florida even with all the Republican machinations. It's never been more
true than in this neck-and-neck race.
We've done part of the key work already. Grassroots canvassers have
registered record-breaking numbers of likely Democratic voters,
particularly in key battleground states. Americans Coming Together (ACT),
which has coordinated many of the progressive efforts, together with
MoveOn, expects to end up with 2.5 million new voters. Rock the Vote, less
partisan, has registered close to a million young voters. The League of
Independent Voters has been registering young voters at bars and
clubs-then going back again with guides to an entire slate of progressive
local and national candidates.
A Cleveland professor had her students register voters at a jail where
people were awaiting trial, working with a local prisoner's rights group
that registered 700 new voters. In Miami, the League of Independent Voters
put out a CD with songs about the issues by local hip-hop artists and
placed their local and national endorsements inside. It's been decades
since so many people involved themselves in progressive electoral
activism.
But the Republicans are also registering voters, particularly through
fundamentalist churches. They're organized, well-funded, and have
skillfully cultivated a politics of backlash and fear. Combining both
parties, a million new voters have registered in Florida alone. Since new
registrants traditionally turn out far less often than those for whom
voting is routine, how many and which voters show up will depend on what
the rest of us do, from now through the election.
We can never predict the precise impact of these actions. A few years
ago, a young environmental activist registered 300 voters at her
Connecticut college, then saw her congressman win by 27 votes. Before she
began, she so doubted her efforts would make a difference that she almost
didn't try. My model for an engaged volunteer effort comes from 1992, the
last time we ended the reign of a Bush. On that Election Day, I joined
five other volunteers helping get out the vote in a precinct 25 miles
south of my Seattle home, in a suburban swing district that also affected
a key congressional race. Thanks to roughly 50,000 volunteers, we had a
similar presence in nearly every remotely Democratic area of the state.
Our efforts turned out enough supporters that we not only helped carry
Washington for Clinton and Gore, but also elected our first woman senator,
captured eight out of nine House seats for the Democrats, and elected a
strong populist governor.
Yet two years later, 1994, Washington state's volunteers stayed home,
as did their counterparts nationwide. There weren't enough to canvass even
the most liberal precincts in the heart of Seattle. Dismal voter turnout
allowed Republicans to recapture all but two of nine Congressional seats,
elect a regressive Republican to the Senate, and make Newt Gingrich
Speaker of the House. The same thing happened in 2002. Grassroots support
melted away in the face of anger at Democratic capitulation on Iraq, and
Republicans won race after race by the narrowest of margins. Had those
voters who'd turned out the previous election just participated, surveys
in both cases suggested the results would have been reversed.
For the moment, enough of us are united enough against Bush's
destructive arrogance that we'll have decent numbers of volunteers. And
most of us will recognize that just as when French voters united behind
conservative Jacques Chirac to reject the threat of the ulra-rightist
Jean-Marie Le Pen, this is no time for above-it-all purism, like voting
for Ralph Nader. But do we recognize how much our individual electoral
actions can matter when they're sufficiently multiplied? What would happen
if every environmentalist or union member, every MoveOn member, everyone
who feels that Bush has led this country down destructive paths, worked in
some way to get out the vote? Or worked with groups like the Election
Protection Coalition to ensure that every eligible voter gets the chance
to vote and that every vote is counted.
It's easier if we live in a swing state, or can travel to one-we simply
sign up with ACT or the local Democratic Party and plug in wherever most
useful.
But even if we don't, we can still contribute money for critical field
efforts, and once we've done that, and then join phone banks being run by
MoveOnPAC and ACT, calling swing state voters to help convince them to
turn out.
Most of us reading this essay will vote. And maybe our friends will as
well.
But in a politically divided nation, victory will go to the side that
turns out the greatest numbers of their most marginal supporters,
including those who doubt their vote will matter. Particularly when
reaching out to those poorer and more transient constituencies that
traditionally vote half as often or less than the wealthier ones, getting
people to polls isn't something that can't be done by just running more
ads. We have to make the phone calls, knock on the doors, and keep track
of who has voted so we can remind people as many times as necessary that
their vote could make the key difference. This election will be won with
presence and persistence.
Though we know this abstractly, what would happen if we recognized that
our actions matter precisely because we're joined by so many others? Our
efforts could make that recognition a reality. We've anguished for four
years over this administration's destructive actions. Now it's time to
act.
Paul Rogat Loeb is the author of The Impossible Will Take a Little
While: A Citizen's Guide to Hope in a Time of Fear, just published by
Basic Books.
Habitat for Humanity founder Millard Fuller writes "Paul Loeb
brings hope for a better world in a time when we so urgently need
it." Barbara Ehrenreich says, "For anyone worn down by four
years of Bushism, The Impossible Will Take a Little While is a bracing
double cappuccino!" And Bonnie Raitt writes, "This inspiring
collection is such a song of hope in these difficult times." Loeb is
also the author of Soul of a Citizen. See