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November 21, 2007 at 17:09:13

GITMO LAWYERS KEEP TRYING

by William Fisher     Page 1 of 2 page(s)

http://www.opednews.com

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The Bush Administration's legal justification for continuing to hold prisoners without charges at the US naval base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, will be back in the U.S. Supreme Court  - again - early next month.

And the decision of the nine Justices could bring the entire Bush Administration's detention policy down in flames - or not.

On December 5, the High Court will hear oral arguments in a case known as Boumediene v. Bush and al-Odah v. USA. Boumediene and al-Odah have been held in indefinite executive detention at Guantanamo since 2002 without charge or trial.

Boumediene and al-Odeh are Algerian-born Bosnian citizens who were detained in Bosnia in 2001 on the basis of a diplomatic note delivered by the U.S. Embassy in Sarajevo to the Bosnian government. Though the note did not allege any supporting evidence, it asked the Bosnian government to arrest the men because of fears that they were involved in a plan to attack the Embassy. After an extensive investigation yielded no evidence to justify the arrests, the Bosnian Supreme Court ordered the men released for lack of evidence. But they were then immediately arrested and were transferred to Guantánamo.

Their case has been bouncing around the U.S. courts ever since. Earlier this year, after a series of lower court losses, the detainees sought review of their case by the U.S. Supreme Court. In April, the high court declined to review the case. But two months later, in an unusual action taken only three times since the founding of the US, the Supreme Court reversed its own decision, agreeing to hear the case -- the third time the High Court will consider a case concerning the rights of detainees.

The core issue before the Court is whether the Military Commissions Act (MCA), hurriedly pushed through the Republican-controlled Congress and signed into law by President George W. Bush in October 2006, violates the U.S. Constitution by stripping the courts of jurisdiction to consider habeas corpus petitions from the Guantánamo detainees.

The government will tell the high court that current law provides "is a fully    adequate substitute for habeas corpus in this extraordinary wartime context."

Habeas corpus, or "The Great Writ," is one of the most fundamental protections of individual liberty guaranteed by the U.S. Constitution. It has its origins in common law dating back to the time of the Magna Carta in 1215, and is a remedy that protects fundamental human rights, including the right not to be subjected to enforced disappearance, secret detention, arbitrary detention, unlawful transfer, torture and other cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment, and the right to a fair trial by an independent and impartial tribunal established by law.

Several U.S. presidents have suspended this ancient right, including Abraham Lincoln during the U.S. Civil War. But it has always been restored by the judicial branch of government.

Embedded in the controversy over the Military Commission Act is the legality of executive bodies known as Combatant Status Review Tribunals (CSRTs), which were established to determine whether the detainees held at Guantanamo were "properly detained" as "enemy combatants".

The CSRTs were authorized by an order from the then Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz in 2004 -- some two and a half years after detentions began at Guantánamo.

Combat Status Review Tribunals consist of panels of three military officers who can consider any information, including information that is hearsay, classified, or that has been obtained under torture or other ill-treatment, in making their determinations. The detainee, held thousands of miles from home (or any battlefield) and virtually cut off from the outside world, does not have a lawyer or access to any classified evidence used against him. Critics charge that there is a presumption in favor of the government's information presented to the tribunal.

The CSRTs were established following one of the Bush Administration's major legal defeats. In 2004, in a case known as Rasul v. Bush, the Supreme Court ruled that the U.S. courts had jurisdiction to consider habeas corpus petitions filed on behalf of the Guantánamo detainees. 

The Bush Administration's prisoner detention policies have suffered a number of other legal setbacks. Arguably the most important case was known as Hamdan v Rumsfeld. In 2004, Salim Ahmed Hamdan, the captured and detained former driver for Osama bin Laden, filed suit for a habeas corpus hearing in U.S. court. In 2005 the Supreme Court ruled in favor of Hamdan.

The aggregate result of these various legal setbacks is that to date none of the more than 300 detainees still held in Guantánamo has had his detention reviewed in court. None of the over 400 detainees freed from the base to release or further custody in their own or other countries was transferred by judicial order. And there have been no trials of detainees. There has been one "conviction", based on a plea deal by an Australian detainee, who was quickly transferred back to his home country.

The CSRT process has also come in for harsh criticism by an Army reserve officer who served as a member of one such panel. In an affidavit, Lieutenant Colonel Stephen Abraham said the process is deeply flawed, relying on vague evidence prepared by poorly trained personnel, and is subject to undue pressure from the military chain of command.

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http://billfisher.blogspot.com

William Fisher has managed economic development programs in the Middle East and elsewhere for the US State Department and the US Agency for International Development. He served in the international affairs area in the Kennedy Administration and now writes on subjects ranging from human rights to foreign affairs for a number of newspapers ond online journals.

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Robert Winnindependent

Rights of Americans

      American citizens have about the same rights under present interpretation of law that prisoners in Guantanamo have.    Although the sixth Amendment to the Constitution guarantees the right to trial by jury in "all criminal prosecutions", since the 1960's judges in the United States      have denied right to trial by jury except in cases which are serious felonies.  This reasoning that most criminal prosecutions are not included in all criminal prosections stems from the idea that courts are legislative bodies which enact legislation through "case law". 

          The fact of the matter is that as long as the Constitution is in effect, the Constitution is the supreme law of the land, and judges in every state are bound thereby.  A judge cannot amend the Constitution.  Amendments to the Constitution have to come from Congress or from the legislatures of two thirds of the states.

          It is true that judges can pretend that they cannot understand the Constitution, but when a person accused of a misdomeanor appears in court and asks for a trial by jury, these courts are faced with the possibility that a defendant can appeal his case on the grounds of being denied trial by jury all the way to the Supreme Court, keeping the case in court for years.  We thus see that present interpretation of law depends on a frightened citizenry which will not insist upon their rights, a citizenry like we have in the United States, which is in debt, plagued with health problems, and financially insecure, presented only with opportunities to increase their insecurity.  Such a citizenry needs a special class of people to make their decisions, people who are educated in the complexities of oppression.  Is it any wonder that daytime television is an endless parade of court television shows?

           Instead of a nation of laws we have today a nation of unlawful interpretations in which the letter of unjust court decisions is held higher than the supreme law of the land.

           The status of "enemy combatants" is easy to determine.  Since Congress has sole power to declare war, and the last war which was declared was declared in 1941, resulting in an unconditional surrender in 1945, there are no "prisoners of war" in Guantanamo.   These prisoners can only be held as persons who have committed some crime against the United States, and, as such, they are entitled to all of the rights of any other accused persons in the United States, which at the present time, means that their criminal cases are not included in "all criminal prosecutions", and they are going to be treated the same way any other person accused of crime in the United States can be treated.

           Accordingly, I am offering to solve this problem by declaring candidacy for the office of President of the United States as an independent candidate.  If elected, I will put all of the prisoners in Guantanamo onto airplanes and take them back where they came from.   If the United States is going to fight undeclared military conflicts in foreign nations,  then military prisoner issues need to be resolved in the countries in question, not at a military base in Cuba. 

        The United States has become an "evil empire" controlled by ridiculous judicial interpretations which has no more regard for the rights of "enemy combatants" than it does for the rights of its own citizens.  The rights of "enemy combatants" are easy to resolve.  The rights of United States citizens are a more difficult situation.

Robert B. Winn

by Robert Winn (0 articles, 0 quicklinks, 0 diaries, 24 comments) on Friday, November 23, 2007 at 12:06:30 PM
 

 

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