The third batch of WikiLeaks revelations reveals a lot.
But just not so much where people think it does.
Let's start with what it is not. So far, at least, it does not appear to be anything like its obvious potential model, the Pentagon Papers.
Daniel Ellsberg's revelations were hugely significant, but not, per se, because they were government secrets revealed to the public. Rather, they were important because of the gap in government pronouncements they exposed. Which is a fancy way of saying the 'lies'. The reason the Pentagon Papers really matter is because, on the most crucial issue of state policy imaginable, the government was saying one thing to the public and even Congress, and something completely different to itself. Otherwise, the documents would have been merely interesting, but hardly consequential.
Which is what the WikiLeaks strike me as, at least so far. The gap that was so wide in the case of the Pentagon Papers is, in this case, rather small. Indeed, remarkably so. I have gotten so used to dishonesty out of Washington that my shock in this case is not that they've been lying to us so much as that they mostly have not been. The WikiLeaks trove does not, so far at least, appear to expose massive disconnects between what the government has been telling us and what it actually believes. This is not Vietnam and the endless lies about that war. This is not the Reagan administration demanding that the world embargo Iran even while secretly selling them missiles, or constantly invoking the great cause of democracy while even more constantly undermining it everywhere on the planet.
Parenthetically, by the way, it is completely unclear that anybody in this country cares enough about such outrages anymore, even if they did exist and even if they were exposed. Americans are so self-focused today, and the government has gotten so expert at shielding people from the short-term, obvious consequences of its pernicious policies, that one has to wonder what the reaction would be to a genuine "bombshell" of a revelation, as opposed to these little sparklers.
Or not. Wonder, that is. One of the most astonishing experiences of my lifetime has been to watch the general (non-)reaction to the release of the Downing Street Memos, which conclusively prove most of the key lies the British and American governments were telling about Iraq in 2002 and 2003. It will probably take a small army of socio-psychologists to sort that particular little episode of national psychosis out, but for whatever reason, no one at the time seemed very interested in this smokingist of smoking guns, and they remain that way today. I guess if you don't have to worry about a draft of higher taxes or missing the ball game on TV, why care what your government is doing, eh?
I have to laugh (read: cry), by the way, at all the intense effort that the New York Times is putting into exposing the WikiLeaks documents about not so much in particular, recalling how they handled the Downing Street Memos. The memos were minutes from meetings between the top British and American officials as they planned their war in Iraq and their war of lies to cover for it. They were leaked in Britain in 2005, in an effort to embarrass Tony Blair as he ran for reelection. The Times covered it in that context, in its back pages, never saying boo about the massive domestic implications in the US. It took the blogosphere to get the paper to pay any attention at all to the story's massive American angle. I remember reading their public editor's response to why the paper had not made this story front page news, with screaming headlines. He said the foreign desk editors told him that it just never occurred to them to pass it along to the national desk team. Oh yeah. That seems likely.
In any case, pardon my cynicism, but I'm getting to the point where I don't know whether anything that doesn't take money out Americans' pockets or interrupt their reality show lives would morally move them anymore. What is clear is that what has been released so far by WikiLeaks doesn't come close.
Which makes all the hub-bub and consternation surrounding the revealed documents a bit odd. You'd think that regressives would actually sort of laud the release of these files in a way, since they substantiate the whole war on terror riff, at least in so far as showing that the US government more or less genuinely believes its own rhetoric. It's actually a vindication of sorts for them, against those of us who harbor deep suspicions - post-Vietnam, post-Watergate, post-Iraq - about the ability of the American national security state to speak remotely honestly about anything. You don't generally have here a case of the government saying one thing and then doing something else completely different.
But the scary monsters of the right have not reacted this way at all. Take Peter King, for example. Please. Congressman King - who astonishingly represents a district in New York State, not, appearances to the contrary, 17th century Prussia - is an ever-reliable source of the most jingoistic nastiness a human orifice is capable of generating, and he doesn't disappoint in this case. Giving new meaning to the concept of rank hyperbole, King avers that WikiLeaks "is worse even than a physical attack on Americans, it's worse than a military attack," and it puts "American lives at risk all over the world." And, in words that ought to chill the remaining long-necked ostriches out there who still think Barack Obama is a liberal, "The Attorney General and I don't always agree on different issues. But I believe on this one, he and I strongly agree that there should be a criminal prosecution."
That's a fairly common example out there on the right, which of course includes the Obama administration and all the histrionics coming out of the Secretary of State and others. Madame Clinton said that, "This disclosure is not just an attack on America's foreign policy interests - it is an attack on the international community," proving that Democrats can be just as regressive and just as sickeningly disingenuous as the monsters of the GOP. She goes on to dissemble even more, lecturing us that, "There is nothing laudable about endangering innocent people. There is nothing brave about sabotaging the peaceful relations between nations on which our common security depends." As if worrying about innocent people or peaceful relations is what American foreign policy is all about.
Or there's the reactionary opinion columnist Charles Krauthammer, who writes that we should "Throw the Espionage Act of 1917 at them... Putting U.S. secrets on the Internet, a medium of universal dissemination new in human history, requires a reconceptualization of sabotage and espionage - and the laws to punish and prevent them. Where is the Justice Department? And where are the intelligence agencies on which we lavish $80 billion a year? [Yeah, funny you should ask about that, Chuck.] Assange has gone missing. Well, he's no cave-dwelling jihadi ascetic. Find him. Start with every five-star hotel in England [a tacky little bit of faux class-smearing well befitting someone of Krauthammer's ideology] and work your way down. Want to prevent this from happening again? Let the world see a man who can't sleep in the same bed on consecutive nights, who fears the long arm of American justice. I'm not advocating that we bring out of retirement the KGB proxy who, on a London street, killed a Bulgarian dissident with a poisoned umbrella tip. But it would be nice if people like Assange were made to worry every time they go out in the rain."
Note here, on top of all the other ugliness in that passage, the moral cowardice of calling for Julian Assange's assassination without quite doing so overtly. This is the covert ops equivalent of the Bush administration's flock of chicken-hawks. And for what reason should Assange be murdered? Krauthammer gives three examples of the "major damage" done to the United States by the WikiLeaks. First, the exposed lies of the Yemeni president and deputy prime minister as to who has actually been bombing their country, a non-example which merely demonstrates Krauthammer's regressive arrogance and stupidity. Second, the purported lack of trust in the United States from this point forward, as if the government had leaked these documents, and as if most governments and most organizations don't also have to worry about leaks all the time. And, third, the supposed weakness the US shows by not taking out the WikiLeaks people. He writes, "What's appalling is the helplessness of a superpower that not only cannot protect its own secrets but shows the world that if you violate its secrets - massively, wantonly and maliciously - there are no consequences."
This latter comment gives the truth to what regressives really hate about WikiLeaks. Since the organization has not yet actually released any evidence of serious major lies, what then gives with the over the top reaction on the right? What the WikiLeaks episode actually reveals is not any major juicy secrets (so far), but rather that the enemy of the right is truth. What they are defending here - and what they are calling for murder to be used in order to defend here - is simply the privilege to lie, and the right to keep their lies and hypocrisies from being exposed.
That's the true revelation of the last weeks, not anything that WikiLeaks has produced just yet. Indeed, the fact that WikiLeaks has not so far actually dropped such a major bomb and yet has induced a visceral reaction so intense that it includes calls for murder reveals far more about the character of regressives than it does about anything else.
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