The editors of the Wall Street Journal say that the public option in health care reform has been "sent to the death panel." Obama "concedes" the public option, reports the Financial Times. Even liberals seem to agree. The public option is "all but gone," writes Bob Herbert of the New York Times. The American Prospect's Mark Schmitt mourns its "likely death."
Nonsense. There is no reason to exaggerate the strength of the small
tong of conservative Democrats and claque of obstructionist Republicans
standing in the way of reform. Here's the reality:
Offering a public plan as a choice to compete with the private insurance companies has continued strong support
in polling. President Obama favors it. The Democratic leadership in
both the House and the Senate support it. More importantly, a majority
of legislators in the House and a broad majority of Democrats in the
Senate will vote for it. Needless to say, the activist base of the
party thinks it vital.
The only question is whether a small minority of Democrats in the
Senate will dig themselves into such a rabid fever that they would
sabotage health care reform itself to stop the public option. Whether
their animus derives from ideology or insurance company contributions,
it is inconceivable that a handful of Blue Dogs in the House or
conservative Dems in the Senate would block the president's key reform
to make their point. It would also be suicidal, for if 1994 is any
indication, Democrats -- particularly those from more conservative
districts -- will pay a harsh price at the polls in 2010 if they fail
to pass reform.
Citizens can help concentrate their minds. Legislators have heard
from the screamers in the town meetings. They've been besieged by
legions of insurance company lobbyists. They've comforted seniors
terrified by the lies being peddled. Now it is time for them to hear
from the majority of citizens, and the vast majority of Democratic
voters who want health care reform that works, one that includes both a
public plan as an option to compete with the insurance companies, and
the lower drug prices that will result from enabling Medicare to use
its buying power to gain discounts for patients.
There are a lot of talking heads out arguing that the "left"
shouldn't be so extreme as to risk health care reform by insisting on
the public option or the lifting of the absurd ban on negotiating lower
drug prices. The reality is exactly the reverse. It is the handful of
Blue Dogs and conservative Democrats in the House and Senate that are
standing in the way of the majority in favor of a comprehensive plan.
The question isn't whether the progressive majority is unreasonably
resisting reform to save the public option. The question is whether a
small minority of conservative Democrats will sabotage reform simply to
stop the public option.
Substantively, passing health care reform without a public plan to
compete with the insurance companies makes no sense. As Jonathan Walker
details,
it would be an insurance company bonanza, as the government requires
the uninsured to get health insurance - supplying the companies with
millions of young and healthy customers - while eliminating the option
of a competing government run plan that, in Obama's words, can "keep
the insurance companies honest." For a country that must get health
care costs under control, reform without the government plan as an
option is irresponsible.
Similarly, President Obama and virtually every Democrat in Congress
were right to campaign against the obscene provision in the
prescription drug plan, the iconic symbol of the corrupt Republican
Congress, that actually prohibits Medicare from negotiating lower
prices for drugs. Democrats cannot pass reform without erasing that
folly, and gaining lower drug prices for seniors on Medicare and for
taxpayers paying much of the tab.
Politically, comprehensive reform can pass only if Democrats unite.
The effort to gain bipartisan support was torpedoed by the leading
Republican negotiator, Senator Charles Grassley, when he revealed his
is true colors by embracing the vicious inanity about "death panels."
He aligned himself with the wingnuts, and there is simply no reason or
way to negotiate with lunacy. The only thing Senator Max Baucus has
achieved with his supposed negotiations is endless delay. The only
thing he promises is more delay. Conservative Dems now are trotting out
an ill-defined national co-op as an alternative to the public option.
Most experts dismiss this as unworkable. More to the point, the
Republican National Committee scorns it as a "government take over of
health care." Negotiations and concessions have produced zero
Republican commitments to join reform.
Instead it is time for Democrats to unite and move. Pass a bill out
of the House and put it before the Senate with the president behind it.
Push the minority of Democrats standing in the way to join the
majority. Then let Republicans try to filibuster it. Even if against
parts of the bill, no Democrat with a working frontal lobe will vote
for the filibuster and join Republicans to deny the president a
majority vote on this critical reform. If Kennedy and Byrd are unable
to vote, then we'll need two Republicans. The few that haven't gone
over to pure obstruction will have to decide if they are prepared to
stop a vote on reform. If the filibuster is defeated, then we just need
50 votes to pass the bill - and there is no reason why a bill with a
robust public option and lower prescription drug prices can't gain 50
votes from Democrats in the Senate.
Admittedly this is still a heavy lift. But the reality is that a
plan without a public option cannot and should not get through the
Congress. Over 60 House Progressives have made it clear that they won't
vote for a plan without a robust public option. That isn't not a
minority standing against reform; it is a minority expressing the
majority opinion in the House, the party, and the country. (To support
the progressive legislators that are leading this go here.)
Why would a handful of Blue Dogs get in the way of a unified
position? A government plan as an option isn't a difficult political
vote. The hard choice is voting for any comprehensive reform -- and
they will pay a much higher political price for failing to produce than
for voting for a public option. The only reason to block a plan is
either ideological rigidity, or the corrupting influence of insurance
company contributions. In this circumstance, citizen mobilization can
help educate the recalcitrant on the need to join the president and the
majority of the party.
Less than a Full Loaf
Some reporters suggest that Obama is signaling that he's ready to
abandon the public plan. In fact, Obama has been consistent. He has
argued for the public option, while stating that he's prepared to
negotiate any part of the deal to get majority support for something
that works. He's for a public option, but it isn't a deal breaker for
him.
Former President Bill Clinton came to the Netroots Nation
convention last week. He was in his full glory - smart, funny, wounded,
a repository of policy and politics. His core message was that it is
"imperative for the Democrats to pass a health care bill now," telling
bloggers that "the president needs your help and the cause needs your
help." Since we need reform to pass, he argued, we can't let the
perfect be enemy of the good. So Clinton urged the liberal activists to
keep fighting for what they want, but be ready to accept "less than a
full loaf." This is a message better delivered by the former president
to his old Blue Dog and New Dem gang - to the handful of conservative
Dems standing in the way, not to folks supporting the broad majority in
agreement with the president.
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Robert L. Borosage is the president of the Institute for America's Future and co-director of its sister organization, the Campaign for America's Future. The organizations were launched by 100 prominent Americans to challenge the rightward drift in (
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