Communal Upheaval

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Part I -- The Illusion of Solidarity The insistence that Israel is somehow the national embodiment of the Jewish people has always been dangerous. This is so because it tied a diverse group spread over the globe to the apron strings of a single political entity and its ideology (Zionism). Thus identified, the Jews were allegedly what a bunch of Zionist ideologues said they were, and were also supposedly exemplified by the consistently unsavory practices of the Israeli state. The Zionists tried to force the Jews into this Procrustean bed through the monopolization of elite Jewish organizations and the emotional blackmail of those who might have dissenting views. The mantra here was that if a Jewish person had disagreements with Israel, he or she should express them behind closed doors and never in public. Behind closed doors the dissenter could be contained. However, if he or she went public with their differences, they undercut the myth of Jewish community solidarity with Israel. To go public in this fashion was a mortal sin, and one risked being shamed within one's community. Those who persisted were labeled "self-hating" traitors. It is a long-standing effort at censorship. Some people might get upset with those who publicly accuse Charles Schumer of having dual loyalties involving Israel, but no one seemed to get equally upset with those Zionists who have accused thousands of Jews worldwide of being "self-haters" because they publicly came out against Israel's atrocious treatment of the Palestinians. Part II -- On the "Verge of Fratricide" It was inevitable that the Zionist requirement of public silence would get harder to enforce the more outrageous the behavior of Israel's political leadership became. On the American scene, the combination of the brazen intrusion of Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu into U.S. politics (particularly his 3 March 2015 address to Congress) and the warmongering position on Iran taken by Jewish organizations openly allied to Israel seems to have been the tipping point. The combined adamance of this Zionist front has forced American Jewish congress-people and senators to make a choice, and do so publicly. Those who have chosen, against the wishes of the Israeli government, to support the Iran nuclear agreement as reflecting the long-term interests of the United States (and Israel) are now treated to the same degree of defamation as those Jews called "self-haters." A national window on what Greg Rosenbaum, chairman of the National Jewish Democratic Council, calls "the verge of fratricide in the Jewish community" was opened by a front page article in the 29 August 2015 issue of the New York Times (NYT). That article is entitled "Debate on Iran Fiercely Splits American Jews." The NYT's main example of this near-fratricidal behavior is the case of Representative Jerrold Nadler of New York. Nadler, like the state's senior senator, Charles Schumer, has spent his entire political career supporting Israel. The only difference between the two is that unlike Schumer, Nadler has come out in support of the Iran agreement. However, that is all it took to make him a target. According to an interview with Nadler in the Israeli newspaper Haaretz and reprinted in the 25 August 2015 edition of the Forward, the New York Representative was hit by "vociferous attacks" labeling him a "traitor," one who wants to "abandon the Jewish people." According to the NYT's piece he has also been called a Kapo (the name given to Jewish collaborators with the Nazis), and a "facilitator of Obama's Holocaust." New York State Assemblyman Dov Hikind, a Zionist stalwart, has sworn to work for Nadler's defeat come the representative's next primary election and has been harassing him in various ways ever since he announced his support for the Iran deal. This sort of thing has been going on across the nation where American Jewry interfaces with national politics. It is interesting that the one who is trying to bring civility back into this internecine debate is a Gentile: Barack Obama. Again, according to the NYT's article, Obama, speaking on "a webcast for major Jewish organizations," called the treatment of Nadler "appalling" and then, ignoring a fast unraveling political status quo, said "we're all pro-Israel, and we're family." Nonetheless, he concluded that "It's better to air these things out even if it is uncomfortable, as long as the tone is civil." Alas, President Obama sounds like a marriage counselor who comes too late to the party. Part III -- Persistent Incivility The truth is that the tone of the edicts coming out of Israel both past and present, and then transmitted by elite Jewish-Zionist organizations down the line to the synagogues and community centers in the United States, has never been civil. Israel's self-righteous position has always been that it has an unquestionable right to tell American Jewry when to support or not support their own (that is U.S.) national interests. And if you don't follow their lead, you will be accused of betraying "your people." This persistent incivility has just been below the U.S.'s public radar till now. We can all thank Netanyahu and his Likudniks for the fact that that is no longer the case. So what does this mean for the future of US-Israeli relations? Well, according to the NYT, some are predicting "long-term damage to Jewish organizations and possibly to American-Israeli relations." One thing is for sure, the abrasive Zionist modus operandi will not change. It is built in to the historical character of both their ideology and Israeli culture. The real questions lie on the American side of the equation. For instance, will American politicians who have belatedly become uneasy with Israeli behavior come to understand that what they face is a fundamental difference in worldview? Jeremy Ben-Ami, the head of JStreet, in a rare moment of clarity, was cited in the NYT article as having spoken of "a fundamental break between Democratic Party leaders inclined toward diplomacy and the worldview of a conservative Israeli government which has more in common with Dick Cheney." Ben-Ami is surely correct here, even though he shortsightedly confines the problem to the current Israeli government.