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NSA and Israel: Spying on Americans and Each Other

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"Mr. Attorney General, I want to take you to the Verizon scandal, and which I understand, which takes us to possibly monitoring up to 120 million calls. When government bureaucrats are sloppy, they are usually really sloppy. Could you assure us to that no phones inside the Capitol were monitored--of members of Congress-- that would give a future executive branch unique leverage over the legislature?"

Holder replied:

"With all do respect, senator, I don't think this is an appropriate setting for me to discuss that issue. I'd be more than glad to come back in an appropriate setting to discuss the issues that you have raised."

"The correct answer would be to say, 'No,'" Kirk interrupted.

In other words, Attorney General Holder could not give Senator Kirk the assurance that he was not being spied upon by the US government.  

Bottom Line:   Israeli Control over Congress

Israel's influence over the US Congress is exercised through the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, commonly known as AIPAC.   AIPAC is the lead organization in what is referred to as the Israel Lobby.   Secretary of Defense Hagel was chastised in his confirmation hearing for having used the term "Jewish Lobby." So let there be no doubt, the group of individuals and organizations that lobby for the benefit of the State of Israel is the Israel Lobby.

 

The Israel Lobby's main lever of power over US Middle East policy is its control of Congress--House and Senate. Some of that power derives from generous campaign contributions to members of Congress by the Israel Lobby and its supporters.   Unlike the National Rifle Association (NRA), for example, which has a single political action committee (PAC) the Israel Lobby has several dozen PACs , which can be centrally controlled by a web of interlinked directorships and other personal relationships.   If the effects of positive campaign contributions are insufficient, however, the more effective method of directing large amounts of contributions to a primary election opponent usually works.   A single PAC can only legally give $10,000 to a single candidate every two years.   But 20 PACs, in a coordinated effort, could come up with $200,000.   If provided to an opponent in a primary contest, this could have a real impact on an election.   To avoid this possibility, most members of Congress go along with whatever the Israel Lobby requests.

The possibility raised by Senator Kirk that the US Administration might get a "unique leverage over the legislature" would apply equally well to other entities, such as pro-Israel operatives with access to "the backbone of the surveillance system."   Further, if Israeli intelligence is of such concern to the NSA that it lists Israel as one of the major targets of its large counter-intelligence program it is not far-fetched to be alarmed about its use. Israeli firms' access to the NSA surveillance program, if used to monitor the communications of members of Congress and their staff, could provide Israel that "unique leverage" that was of concern to Senator Kirk. Just the knowledge of the potential for such surveillance would be sufficient to keep most congressmen in line.

Israeli influence over the US government's Middle East policies, military aid to Israel, aid to Egypt in support of policies friendly to Israel, US veto protection of Israel in the UN and beneficial trade arrangements all ultimately depend upon control over Congress by the Israel Lobby.   It does this by controlling the votes of over 90 percent of Representatives and Senators routinely on most issues affecting Israel.   In fact, House and Senate votes in favor of Israel are typically more like 98 percent affirmative. AIPAC and the rest of the Israel Lobby exercises this control through campaign contributions, support of primary election opponents, and perks such as free trips to Israel for congressmen, members of their families and their staff employees.

Graphical representation of relationships described



NSA Israeli Congressional Linkages by L. Toenjes

Diagram by L. Toenjes


Conclusion

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Laurence A.Toenjes is retired from the University of Houston ?s Department of Sociology where he was a researcher with The Sociology of Education Research Group. Toenjes received his doctorate in economics from Southern Illinois University.
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