But these major news outlets had missed another key fact. They assumed that Armitage – as Colin Powell's well-liked deputy – had no significant connection to the White House political machinations.
That was not the reality, according to a well-placed conservative source who spoke with me. An early supporter of George W. Bush who knew both Armitage and Rove, the source told me that Armitage and Rove were much closer than many Washington insiders knew.
Armitage and Rove developed a friendship and a close working relationship when Bush was lining up Powell to be his Secretary of State, the source said. In those negotiations, Armitage stood in for Powell and Rove represented Bush – and after that, the two men provided a back channel for sensitive information to pass between the White House and the State Department, the source said.
The significance of this detail is that it undermines the current "conventional wisdom" among Washington pundits that Armitage acted alone – and innocently – in July 2003 when he disclosed Plame's covert identity to Novak, who then turned to Rove as a secondary source confirming the information from Armitage.
The revelation from the conservative source as well as Novak's version of how he got the story – "I didn't dig it out, it was given to me" – suggest that Armitage and Rove were collaborating on the anti-Wilson operation, not simply operating on parallel tracks without knowing what the other was doing.
The mainstream media's assumption that Armitage "inadvertently" let Plame's identity slip out almost as gossip also was challenged by my conservative source. When I asked him about that scenario, he laughed and said, "Armitage isn't a gossip, but he is a leaker. There's a difference."
Also forgotten in the mainstream news coverage was the fact that in 1998, Armitage was one of the 18 signatories to a seminal letter from the neoconservative Project for the New American Century urging President Bill Clinton to oust Saddam Hussein by military force if necessary.
Armitage joined a host of neoconservative icons, such as Elliott Abrams, John Bolton, William Kristol, Richard Perle and Paul Wolfowitz. Many of the signers, including Donald Rumsfeld, would become architects of Bush's Iraq War policy five years later.
Nevertheless, the Armitage-as-innocent-gossip version of events was embraced by leading Washington pundits as the final proof that Rove and the White House had gotten a bum rap on the Plame affair.
In a Sept. 7, 2006, article, entitled "One Leak and a Flood of Silliness," veteran Washington Post columnist David Broder wrote that publications which had made allegations about White House wrongdoing "owe Karl Rove an apology. And all of journalism needs to relearn the lesson: Can the conspiracy theories and stick to the facts."
But David Broder, Fred Hiatt and the other see-no-evil pundits appear to be the ones ignoring facts in favor of a more pleasant "conventional wisdom" about well-meaning Bush aides who would never think about smearing some Iraq War critic.
As the Libby case finally gets underway, the trial will offer another opportunity for the major news media to climb back into that time machine and travel back to the happier era when everyone who mattered in Washington just knew that George W. Bush was always right and anyone who thought otherwise must be a "conspiracy theorist."
Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories in the 1980s for the Associated Press and Newsweek. His latest book, Secrecy & Privilege: Rise of the Bush Dynasty from Watergate to Iraq, can be ordered at secrecyandprivilege.com. It's also available at
Amazon.com, as is his 1999 book, Lost History: Contras, Cocaine, the Press & 'Project Truth.'
Must Read (
Well Said (
News (
Touching (
Funny (
Supported (
Interesting (
Inspiring (
Valuable (
