Share on Google Plus Share on Twitter Share on Facebook 2 Share on LinkedIn Share on PInterest Share on Fark! Share on Reddit Share on StumbleUpon Tell A Friend 8 (10 Shares)  
Printer Friendly Page Save As Favorite View Favorites View Stats   8 comments

Exclusive to OpEdNews:
Life Arts

Why Obama Is Necessarily Disappointing Us, and What We Can Do about It.

By (about the author)     Permalink       (Page 3 of 4 pages)
Related Topic(s): ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; ; (more...) ; ; ; ; ; , Add Tags  (less...) Add to My Group(s)

Must Read 8   Valuable 8   Well Said 7  
View Ratings | Rate It Headlined to H3 9/25/11

Become a Fan
  (2 fans)

Now, however, Wolin laments, such programs aimed at the common good are notably absent from the concerns of Washington politics.   In recent decades, our corporate/state government has focused its attentions almost exclusively on economic expansion to every corner of the globe.   This enterprise proceeds under cover of an ideological commitment to bring free enterprise and "democracy" to developing nations that remain lost in the morass of political tyranny and corruption.   Yet, its unannounced but real purpose, Wolin insists, is to create new markets and/or overseas manufacturing facilities for American corporations.   To secure these new assets, various inducements are advanced, or pressures applied, to ensure that subject governments are willing to cooperate with U.S. interests and accept the protection of American armed might.  

If this description is accurate, America's reach for empire is obviously oppressive to the countries affected.   In Wolin's view, however, it is also devastating to democracy at home, since it deepens inequalities among the citizens and promotes moral decay in politics.   He writes:

"Resources that might be used to improve health care, education, and environmental protection are instead directed to defense spending, which, by far, consumes the largest percentage of the nation's annual budget.   Moreover, the sheer size and complexity of imperial power and the expanded role of the military make it difficult to impose fiscal discipline and accountability.   Corruption becomes endemic, not only abroad but at home.   The most dangerous type of corruption for a democracy is measured not in monetary terms alone but in the kind of ruthless power relations it fosters in domestic politics.   As many observers have noted, politics has become a blood sport with partisanship and ideological fidelity as the hallmarks.   A partisan judiciary is openly declared to be a major priority of a political party; the efforts to consolidate executive power and to relegate Congress to a supporting role are to some important degree the retrojection inwards of the imperial thrust" [245].

Wolin suggests that, with such power realignments now its principal concern, American politics have, for the most part, come to substitute bluster between two corporate parties for intelligent debate over issues that directly affect the well-being of the citizenry.   Campaigns for national office have been largely reduced to spectacle, entertainment and marketing.  

A Democratic Vision for the Future.

Wolin's hope for the future is that, while elite rule may be here to stay, the people themselves can nevertheless take steps to make their own voices heard.   As a first step, he says, we need to roll back developments in our elite politics that have brought us to the stage of inverted totalitarianism.   An agenda for such an undertaking includes:

" " rolling back the empire; rolling back the practices of managed democracy; returning to the idea and practices of international cooperation rather than the dogmas of globalization and preemptive strikes; restoring and strengthening environmental protections; reinvigorating populist politics; undoing the damage to our system of individual rights; restoring the institutions of an independent judiciary, separation of powers, and checks and balances; reinstating the integrity of the independent regulatory agencies and of scientific advisory processes; reviving a representative system responsive to popular needs for health care, education, guaranteed pensions, and an honorable minimum wage; restoring government regulatory authority over the economy; and rolling back the distortions of a tax code that toadies to the wealthy and corporate power" [273-74].

Still, Wolin warns, even if such roll-backs are undertaken and successful, the government institutions affected will not necessarily be democratized.   Only to a limited extent, he says, "can the citizenry itself [in its present form as a collection of individuals] " inject democracy into a political system permeated by corporate power.   It can provide the initial impetus but not the sustained will" [258].  

To make their voices heard in the political process, Wolin proposes, the people must first assume a conscious identity as a demos -- as a political force independent of, and opposed to, the corporate elitist state.   This will not be easy, Wolin writes, as the entire population is now so caught up in the rapid pace of technological, political and cultural change that it is losing the capacity to stand back and reflect on the democratic principles that might be reclaimed from the past.  

Yet, for democracy's sake, Wolin urges, the attempt must be made.   In our time, as in all times, he argues, "We the People" must overcome the natural tendency to cede political power to the Few.   But this time, cut off as we are from the past, the "demos" must create a new democratic vision for the future, conceiving of itself as a political counterforce to its ancient nemesis, elitism.   Moreover, since this popular counter-elite will be by definition outside the elite power system, it must pursue its interests through the practice of a kind of "fugitive democracy" -- through a part-time political activism by various groups that will take many forms at different times in pursuit of both particular and common needs, reforms, and goals.  

Wolin points out that this form of democratic involvement was in fact characteristic of ordinary Americans throughout the 18th century, both before and after the Revolution.   He cites:

" " the extraordinary political activities of working-class members, small farmers, women, slaves, and Indians during the period from roughly 1690 throughout most of the following century.   [Those activities] took several forms: street protests and demonstrations, attacks on official residences, petitions, mass meetings, pamphlets, and newspaper articles.   Virtually without exception the motive animating these actions was to protect or advance interests that the existing system ignored or exploited unfairly ".   Democracy, in this early meaning, stood for a politics of redress, for common action to alleviate the sharp inequalities of wealth and power that enabled the more affluent and educated to monopolize governance.   By it they sought to wrest a place in the political power structure and make it responsive to their own needs" [227].  

Similar popular activism in the 19th and 20th centuries helped bring about further advances in equality and justice.   These included federal offices for ordinary people under Andrew Jackson; the abolition of slavery; women's suffrage; trade unions; control of railroad rates; trust busting; civil rights for African Americans; ending the Vietnam War; women's rights and gay rights; environmental protection; and student power at universities.  



In Wolin's view, acts of "fugitive democracy," by which the power of the people is mobilized to pursue solutions to real human problems, is a necessary counterbalance to the impersonal gamesmanship of the elite political order.   He writes:  

Next Page  1  |  2  |  3  |  4


Bob Anschuetz is a retired college English teacher and industrial writer who remains actively committed to the progressive political values of economic fairness, social justice, and global community. In retirement, Bob has continued his work as a (more...)

Share on Google Plus Submit to Twitter Add this Page to Facebook! Share on LinkedIn Pin It! Add this Page to Fark! Submit to Reddit Submit to Stumble Upon

Go To Commenting

The views expressed in this article are the sole responsibility of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of this website or its editors.

Writers Guidelines

Contact Author Contact Editor View Authors' Articles

Most Popular Articles by this Author:     (View All Most Popular Articles by this Author)

We Need a Progressive Primary Challenge to Obama in 2012!

Why Obama Is Necessarily Disappointing Us, and What We Can Do about It.


A VIEW FROM THE PROGRESSIVE SIDE: Ayn Rand's Despised "Altruism" Is Essential to Building a NATION of "Producers."

Progressive Leadership To Serve the Common Good

Let's Stop Waging War To Advance America's "Interests."


The time limit for entering new comments on this article has expired.

This limit can be removed. Our paid membership program is designed to give you many benefits, such as removing this time limit. To learn more, please click here.

Comments: Expand   Shrink   Hide  
7 people are discussing this page, with 8 comments
To view all comments:
Expand Comments
(Or you can set your preferences to show all comments, always)

In all the often fatuous hoopla of the presidentia... by Robert Anschuetz on Sunday, Sep 25, 2011 at 10:11:56 AM
"How can the compassionate concern of ordinary pe... by Vernon Huffman on Sunday, Sep 25, 2011 at 4:31:52 PM
Its painfully obvious that Wolin is right (as #Occ... by Ed Lytwak on Sunday, Sep 25, 2011 at 5:42:57 PM
I am deeply grateful for your bringing this book t... by Ronnie Moehrke on Monday, Sep 26, 2011 at 11:37:20 AM
Thanks to Ronnie Moehrke for the kudos.  In r... by Robert Anschuetz on Monday, Sep 26, 2011 at 1:38:43 PM
An excellent summary of the Wolin thesis. Unlike a... by David Ruhlen on Monday, Sep 26, 2011 at 1:38:26 PM
One hopeful development is that today, unlike any ... by Derryl Hermanutz on Monday, Sep 26, 2011 at 8:29:32 PM
"even an idealistic, intelligent and charismatic o... by Fay Paxton on Thursday, Oct 6, 2011 at 3:41:58 PM