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Jonathan Westminster: "The 15% Solution," Serialization, 3rd Installment: Chapter Two

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    "In a Presidential election, when more voters turn out than [in] any other election you normally see, only 15% of eligible voters determine the outcomes of that election . . . .  Of all adults 18 and over, eligible to vote, only about 60 or 65% are actually registered to vote.  It might even be less than that, and it is less than that in many states. . . .

       "Of those registered to vote, in a good turnout only 50% actually vote.  [Thus,] only 30% of those eligible actually vote. . . . 15% of adults eligible to vote determine the outcome in a high turnout election.  That happens once every four years. . . . In low turnout elections, city council, state legislature, county commissions, the percentage who [sic] determines who wins can be as low as 6 or 7%.  We don't have to worry about convincing a majority of Americans to agree with us.  Most of them are staying home and watching 'Roseanne'" [emphasis added. Author's Note: "Roseanne" was a popular television program of that time.]

      As one of the most influential leaders of the Religious Right, Paul Weyrich, succinctly put it (Freedom Writer, Nov., 1994):  "We don't want everyone to vote.  Quite frankly, our leverage goes up as the voting population goes down."

      Elected allies of the Christian Coalition worked to make this wish a reality.  For example, a Governor of Virginia, George F. Allen, elected in 1992 with open Christian Coalition support, attempted by the use of the veto to prevent implementation of Federal legislation designed to make it easier for people to register to vote (NYT).

      By the national election of 1994, Right Wing Reaction was well on its way to achieving its goal.  Only about 38% of eligible voters voted.  That turnout was part of the process that came to be referred to as the "Incredible Shrinking Electorate."  With slightly more than half of those voting choosing the old Republican Party's Congressional candidates that year, the Party achieved a major turnaround in Congressional representation and took control of that body.

      Many of the new representatives were supported by the Christian Coalition and its allies.  In an odd representation of reality, most media and political figures represented that victory as one reflecting the views of the "American people" as a whole.  In fact, the Republican victory was achieved by garnering the support of under 20% of the eligible voters.  "The 15% Solution" was well within sight.

      The political posture adopted by the opposition Democrats played a significant role in the creation of the Incredible Shrinking Electorate.  They gave the majority of increasingly disaffected people nothing to come out to the polls for but either a warmed-over imitation of Republican Party policies, or a set of well-intentioned but ineffective alternatives.

      The minority of eligible voters who actually supported Republican, and later, Republican-Christian Alliance, policies turned out and voted for them.  Those who wanted something significantly different, consistent with the liberal tradition of the Democratic Party, not finding it on the ballot, just stayed home.  Implementation of "The 15% Solution" proceeded apace.  It was eventually used by the Right-Wing Reactionaries to impose their will on the majority of the people.  And just like their German Nazi predecessors, once they gained power through Constitutional means, they maintained it largely through anything but.

The Apogee of American Fascism
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      The apogee of fascism in America is generally considered to have been reached around 2017.  By that year, while the old Constitution (see Appendix I) was still technically in force, the old United States of America had for six years already been existing as that apartheid nation called the New American Republics.  The NAR was designed along the lines of plans for racial separation which had been developed by such late 20th century Right-Wing Republican leaders as David Duke of Louisiana (Patriquin).  It was the entirely predictable result of the American Right-Wing Reactionary movement that had at its core an ideology of black, (genetically-based), inferiority (Herrnstein and Murray), and explicit or implicit White Supremacy.

      There were still two years to go before the Latin Wars in the Fourth Republic would begin to turn sour and the formal Restoration Declaration would be issued by the National Leadership Council of the Movement for the Restoration of Constitutional Democracy in the old United States.

      The sole legal political party of the NAR was the American Christian Nation Party (ACNP).  In 2008, President Jefferson Davis Hague had formed it out of the Republican-Christian Alliance, successor to the old Republican Party.  In rhetoric at least , the NAR was a "Christian Nation," achieving a goal of many leaders of Right-Wing Reaction in the old U.S. from a wide variety of backgrounds, such as the Rev. Pat Robertson, the head of the Christian Coalition, a one-time Governor of the state of Mississippi, Kirk Fordyce, and R.J. Rushdooney, a leader of Christian Reconstructionism and the Christian Coalition's more secretive 20th century counterpart, the Coalition on Revival.

      Rushdooney, a very influential if not very well-known leader of the Christian Right, for example "advocated total Christian theocracy and [once] wrote 'Democracy is the great love of the failures and cowards of life'" (Freedom Writer, Jan., 1995, p. 1).  Of the legal theory of Christian Reconstructionism, the basis for the Supremacy Amendment (see Chapter nine), one David Barton said (Schollenberger): "Whatever is Christian is legal.  Whatever isn't Christian is illegal."

      The NAR consisted of four "Republics."  The "White Republic" controlled most of the territory of the old United States, as well as that of the four western Provinces of the old Canada.  The "Black Republic," in some ways like the Black "Bantustans" of pre-liberation South Africa in the 20th century, was a series of disconnected, walled-off, "provinces" consisting of selected, old, predominantly black "inner cities," carved out of the old U.S.  All blacks in the country not already living in what became the collective territory of the republic had been forcibly moved and confined to one "province" or another.
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      Similarly, the "Red Republic" was based on a set of walled-off former Indian Reservations to the west of the Mississippi, to which all Native Americans had been moved and confined.  Fourth was to have been the Hispanic Republic, consisting of all the nations of Latin America, to which, coincidentally, all persons of Hispanic (Latino) origin living in the old U.S. were to have been deported.  Full deportation was never achieved by the NAR government, just as full control of Latin America was never achieved either.  But a "Killer Fence" (see Chapter 15) had been constructed along the length of the old U.S.-Mexican border, and the Fourth Republic was on the books.

      How did all of this come to pass legislatively, one might ask.  In brief, through the use of "The 15% Solution," Right-Wing Reaction had by the national election of 2004 taken full control of the Congress and the Executive Branch at the Federal level, and of more than 38 state governments.  (The assent of 38 state legislatures was required for the ratification of any Constitutional Amendment.)

      And where, one might also ask, was the Federal Supreme Court in all of this?  Well, it had not reviewed actions of the other two branches of the Federal government for their constitutionality since it had handed down the Anderson Decision in 2003.  In that decision (see Chapter five), based on the strict Borkian interpretation of the Doctrine of Original Intent, the Court removed from itself the power to review the actions of the other two branches of the Federal government for their Constitutionality.  The Court was thus out of the picture.  Anderson was the most far-reaching Supreme Court decision in U.S. history since "Dred Scott" of 1857.  In one sense, Anderson set the stage for the Second Civil War just as Dred Scott had set the stage for the First.

The Social Profile of the NAR

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http://thepoliticaljunkies.org/

Steven Jonas, MD, MPH, MS, is a Professor of Preventive Medicine at the School of Medicine, Stony Brook University (NY) and author/co-author/editor/co-editor of over 30 books on health policy, health and wellness, and sports and regular exercise. In (more...)
 

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