Indeed, through much of the 1990s, there was little to distinguish the Clinton scandal coverage in the Washington Post and the New York Times or on the network news from what was in the New York Post and the Washington Times or on Fox News and Rush Limbaugh's show.
The animus toward Clinton spilled over into Campaign 2000 when the major media -- both mainstream and right-wing -- jumped all over Al Gore, freely misquoting him and subjecting him to almost unparalleled political ridicule. By contrast, George W. Bush -- while viewed as slightly dimwitted -- got the benefit of nearly every doubt. [See Consortiumnews.com's "Al Gore v. the Media" or "Protecting Bush-Cheney."]
Siding with Bush
During the Florida recount battle in November 2000, liberals watched passively as Republican activists from Washington staged a riot outside the Miami-Dade canvassing board, and the Washington Post's center-left columnist Richard Cohen called for the selection of Bush as "a likable guy who will make things better and not worse." [See Consortiumnews.com's "Bush's Conspiracy to Riot or "Mob Rule Wins for W."]
The protect-Bush consensus deepened after the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks as the national news media -- almost across the board -- transformed itself into a conveyor belt for White House propaganda. When the Bush administration put out dubious claims about Iraq's supposed weapons of mass destruction, the major newspapers rushed the information into print.
Many of the most egregious WMD stories appeared in the most prestigious establishment newspapers, the New York Times and the Washington Post. The New York Times fronted bogus assertions about the nuclear-weapons capabilities of aluminum tubes that were really for conventional weapons. Washington Post editorials reported Bush's allegations about Iraqi WMD as fact, not a point in dispute.
Anti-war protests involving millions of American citizens received largely dismissive coverage. Critics of the administration's WMD claims were ignored or derided. When Al Gore offered a thoughtful critique of Bush's preemptive-war strategy, he got savaged in the national media. [See Consortiumnews.com "Politics of Preemption."]
Over several decades, by investing smartly in media infrastructure, the Right had succeeded in reversing the media dynamic of the Cronkite era. Instead of a serious and skeptical press corps, most national journalists knew better than to risk losing their careers by getting in the way of the Republican juggernaut.
Many on the Left began acknowledging the danger of this media imbalance. But even as the disasters of the Bush presidency deepened, wealthy progressives continued to spurn proposals for building a media counter-infrastructure that could challenge the "group think" of Washington journalism and start pushing the mainstream news media back to its old principles.
The Left's media activities centered mostly on holding conferences to discuss "media reform," not actually doing journalism or building new outlets.
Some Hopeful Signs
However, there have been some hopeful signs for American liberals. The Air America radio network did get off the ground in 2004 (although only barely) and helped catapult two rising stars into prominence (Al Franken who is now a U.S. senator from Minnesota and Rachel Maddow who landed a liberal-oriented show on MSNBC).
But even that limited progress is fragile. General Electric has okayed an experimental lineup of liberal hosts on its evening MSNBC lineup (also including Ed Schultz and Keith Olbermann), a decision that could be easily reversed if ratings lag or corporate priorities change.
Meanwhile, the Right continues to consolidate its media dominance, either through direct ownership of outlets or from the residual impact of three decades of successfully intimidating mainstream journalists.
While Fox News delivers its usual right-wing fare, similar viewpoints are common at outlets like CNBC and CNN. While the Rev. Moon's Washington Times still publishes its right-wing diatribes, the Washington Post, the flagship of the Watergate coverage in the 1970s, has evolved into a neoconservative newspaper, especially its opinion pages.
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