In this regard, a major point left unclear in the Inspector General's report is the source of the fictitious narrative that portrays Tillman's "bravery" in the face of enemy fire. Possibly it originated within Tillman's platoon as a sort of "reparation" for his death. This might also provide a rationale for why the other soldiers in the platoon burned Tillman's uniform and body armor the day following his death. However the false narrative began, the written justification and citation that must describe in sufficient detail unusual bravery in the face of a determined enemy to merit a Silver Star incorporated the fiction of enemy fire--and was completed in time for the medal to be awarded posthumously on April 30, eight days after Tillman died. As it happens, the two general officers who wrote the justification of and approved the award of the Silver Star to Tillman--Lieutenant General Stanley McChrystal and Brigadier General James Nixon--are still on active duty. The other two generals named in the report--Lieutenant General Philip Kensinger and Brigadier General Gary Jones, commander and chief of staff, respectively, of the U.S. Army Special Operations Command in 2004--have since retired. Kensinger is accused of "providing misleading testimony" about when he knew friendly fire might be involved while Jones is faulted for an incomplete follow-up investigation by failing to interview everyone present when Tillman was killed.
The Army has 30 days in which to review the findings in the report and determine what if any "corrective action" it will take against the five generals (the fifth is General John Abizaid) and the unidentified five lower--ranking officers who made the "critical errors" in judgment.
The Deeper Deception and the Impact of the GWOT
As cruel as is this sorry deception of Pat Tillman's family, I fear it is but one more example of an Army on the verge (if not already in free fall) of a collapse of its tradition of honor and morality that undergirds the institutional sense of duty and sacrifice whose absence in other countries not infrequently results in a coup d'etat,.
Regrettably, the Army is not the only institution that has let it standards fall: the same decline is evident throughout government and, I believe, gathered momentum from the Bush administration's approach to governance in general and its conduct of its self-serving, self-proclaimed "Global War on Terror (GWOT)."
In the 1950s, the public issue was communist perfidy as Soviet "agents" tried to infiltrate the government to spy for Stalin. Today it is the federal government spying on U.S. citizens in the name of "U.S. citizens," lying about what was done or not done, should officials be challenged, in an effort to cover-up their violations of law or to divert public attention from more serious transgressions--most of which are directly related to the GWOT.
To date, the preponderance of criticism of senior officials about their roles in and conduct of the GWOT in general and Iraq in particular has been directed at planning failures related to under-resourcing "boots on the ground," the duration and intensity of "combat" in Iraq and Afghanistan, equipment deficiencies, the under-staffing and sub-standard condition of military and veterans medical facilities, and veterans compensation system.
Deceit versus Integrity and Honor
These, however, are the visible, material, surface indicators of a much deeper malady infecting multiple levels of the federal government--starting at the very top--that distort policy decisions and program implementation and justifications. This malady is the easy disregard for if not the total discarding of all sense of integrity and honor in too many who hold key positions in government.
Examples abound, starting in the Oval Office. In his January 10th, 2007 speech to the nation, President Bush announced a troop "surge" of 21,500 troops to try to pacify Baghdad and al-Anbar province in Iraq. Within a matter of hours, that number began to mushroom with the "addition" of support troops, extra military police, and an air combat brigade. At last count the total had been bumped to nearly 30,000. Subsequent spin by the White House ("what the president meant to say was 21,500 combat troops"), instead of being seen as a reasonable explanation became--because of earlier incidents where spin was divorced from reality--but another example of the ongoing effort to low-ball troop numbers: that is, intentionally deceiving the public. This was then followed by a notice that the president had agreed to the call-up of 1,800 Marine reservists for duty beginning in October--just in time to replace units that are part of the current surge and allowing the higher numbers of troops to be sustained without having to open the "surge debate" again.
The pattern of deceit and cover-up is found in the office of the vice-president whose former chief of staff (L. "Scooter" Libby) was convicted of lying to a grand jury--ironically in an echo of the Army-McCarthy hearings--about his role in the destruction of the career of an undercover CIA operative.
The virus infected traditionally non-partisan agencies. The head of the General Services Administration was discovered to have participated in highly partisan political discussions with White House political operatives and "field organizers" about bolstering Republican candidates who will be candidates for elective office in 2008. The Secretary of the prestigious Smithsonian Institution resigned because of allegations of exorbitant travel and other expenses charged to the Smithsonian.
Various Executive Departments succumbed. Interior's Deputy Secretary, J. Steven Griles, lied to investigators about his relationships with Washington lobbyists.
Also infected "big time": the Department of Justice. The Attorney General, Alberto Gonzales, not for the first time has denied involvement in meetings or having knowledge of a chain of events, only to be forced to "re-interpret" his initial statements. The current controversy centers on the apparent attempt to use an "emergency" provision of the anti-terror USAPATRIOT Act to replace eight U.S. prosecutors without subjecting their replacements to normal procedures that would require confirmation by the Senate.
Were this not enough, FBI Director Robert Mueller conceded in recent congressional testimony that the FBI had misused provisions of the Patriot legislation regarding "national security letters" compelling financial and telecommunications firms to provide personal account data to the FBI. Mueller also acknowledged that FBI agents fabricated information on applications to the special surveillance court seeking authorization to conduct "anti-terror" surveillance.
Restoring Honor to Duty and Country
(Note: You can view every article as one long page if you sign up as an Advocate Member, or higher).
