This collaborationist course could even cite repudiation of the "base" as further proof of Obama's moderation.
Sure, these moves would anger Obama's core supporters from 2008, but where would the "base" go? Maybe, Obama could rely on the memories of the Bush years and warnings about a prospective Sarah Palin presidency to keep the progressives in line.
Understandably, in December 2008, this collaborationist path looked the most inviting. With a few minor deviations, it became the one that Obama followed.
The subsequent problems were largely predictable, though compounded by some of the inexperienced President's unforced errors.
By giving Bush's team a pass on torture and other war crimes even protecting them via "the state secret privilege" Obama got no thanks from the Republicans, just as Clinton got no reciprocity for giving Ronald Reagan and George H.W. Bush a pass on Iran-Contra, Iraqgate, October Surprise and other scandals from that era. [See Robert Parry's Secrecy & Privilege.]
Also, by turning on people who had honorably pressed for the truth about the Bush-II-era scandals much like Clinton did to honest investigators from the Reagan-Bush-I era Obama undercut and alienated these potential allies.
By choosing continuity over change on foreign policy, Obama like Bill Clinton failed to apply any real brake on the military-industrial complex which has been draining the U.S. Treasury for six decades while entangling the United States in foreign wars.
By seeking "common ground" on the economy, Obama ended up owning the bank bailout and got stuck with a watered-down stimulus that still drew nearly unanimous Republican opposition, much as the Republicans voted en bloc against Clinton's deficit-reduction plan in 1993.
Though Obama's modest stimulus bill appears to have helped stanch the bleeding on unemployment, GOP lawmakers and their right-wing media allies nevertheless brand it a failure and a waste of money.
Maneuvering on Health Reform
On health reform, Obama sought to avoid the pitfalls that crippled Clinton's effort in 1993-94. However, Obama actually replicated many of Clinton's key mistakes, albeit with a few tactical differences, such as giving Congress the lead rather than having the White House compile its own legislative package.
Substantively, Obama's and Clinton's approaches had many similarities. Instead of proposing a single-payer "Medicare for all" system, they sought to protect the private insurance industry while devising complicated jerry-rigged "reforms" to the system.
Because of the complexities of both reform strategies, Republicans and other opponents mocked the plans for their number of pages, while still blasting them as "socialistic government takeovers." Then came the inevitable compromises that made the bills even more confusing and unappealing.
Clinton and Obama also made political mistakes. Clinton imposed excessive secrecy in having First Lady Hillary Clinton assemble the package behind closed doors. For his part, Obama failed to demonstrate forceful presidential leadership in guiding the legislation through Congress.
Obama allowed his initial deadlines for congressional action before the August recess to slip so Senate Finance Committee Chairman Max Baucus could pursue pointless negotiations with three Republicans. By the time Baucus realized that Sen. Chuck Grassley, R-Iowa, and others were playing him for a fool, the Right had built a powerful "grassroots" movement of its own to fight any reform.
Then, rather than getting angry with "centrist" Senate Democrats who held health reform hostage by threatening to join a Republican filibuster, Obama catered to them, granting concession after concession. Like any negotiation from weakness, Obama only invited more demands from more hold-outs.
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