Consider the alleged hijackers. Despite allegedly being caught off guard by the 9/11 attacks, the FBI was soon able to identify the 19 hijackers despite the fact that apparently none of the alleged hijackers' names are on the passenger lists of the airliners that they allegedly hijacked.
How did 19 passengers get on airplanes in the US without being on the passenger lists?
I do not personally know if the alleged hijackers were on the four airliners. Moreover, defenders of the official 9/11 story claim that the passenger lists released to the public were "victims lists," not passenger lists, because the names of the hijackers were withheld and only released some four years later after 9/11 researchers had had years in which to confuse victims lists with passenger lists. This seems an odd explanation. Why encourage public misinformation for years by withholding the passenger lists and issuing victims lists in their place? It cannot have been to keep the hijackers' names a secret as the FBI released a list of the hijackers several days after 9/11. Even more puzzling, if the hijackers' names were on the airline passenger lists, why did it take the FBI several days to confirm the names and numbers of hijackers?
Researchers have found contradictions in the FBI's accounts of the passenger lists with the FBI adding and subtracting names from its various lists and some names being misspelled, indicating possibly that the FBI doesn't really know who the person is. The authenticity of the passenger lists that were finally released in 2005 is contested, and the list apparently was not presented as evidence by the FBI in the Moussaoui trial in 2006. David Ray Griffin has extensively researched the 9/11 story. In one of his books, 9/11 Ten Years Later, Griffin writes:
"Although the FBI claimed that it had received flight manifests from the airlines by the morning of 9/11, the 'manifests' that appeared in 2005 had names that were not known to the FBI until a day or more after 9/11. These 2005 "manifests,' therefore, could not have been the original manifests for the four 9/11 flights."
The airlines themselves have not been forthcoming. We are left with the mystery of why simple and straightforward evidence, such as a list of passengers, was withheld for years and mired in secrecy and controversy.
We have the additional problem that the BBC and subsequently other news organizations established that six or seven of the alleged hijackers on the FBI's list are alive and well and have never been part of any terrorist plot.
These points are not even a beginning of the voluminous reasons that the government's 9/11 story looks very thin.
But the American public, being thoroughly plugged into the Matrix, are not suspicious of the government's thin story. Instead, they are suspicious of the facts and of those experts who are suspicious of the government's story. Architects, engineers, scientists, first responders, pilots, and former public officials who raise objections to the official story are written off as conspiracy theorists. Why does an ignorant American public think it knows more than experts? Why do Americans believe a government that told them the intentional lie that Saddam Hussein had weapons of mass destruction despite the fact that the weapons inspectors reported to President Bush that Hussein had no such weapons? And now we see the same thing all over again with the alleged, but non-existent, Iranian nukes.
As Frantz Fanon wrote, the power of cognitive dissonance is extreme. It keeps people comfortable and safe from threatening information. Most Americans find the government's lies preferable to the truth. They don't want to be unplugged from the Matrix. The truth is too uncomfortable for emotionally and mentally weak Americans.
Worthington focuses on the harm being done to detainees. They have been abused for much of their lives. Their innocence or guilt cannot be established because the evidence is compromised by torture, self-incrimination, and coerced testimony against others. They stand convicted by the government's accusation alone. These are real wrongs, and Worthington is correct to emphasize them.
In contrast, my focus is on the harm to America, on the harm to truth and truth's power, on the harm to the rule of law and accountability to the people of the government and its agencies, on the harm to the moral fabric of the US government and to liberty in the United States.
As the adage goes, a fish rots from the head. As the government rots, so does the United States of America.
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