Conference organizer Yehudit Katsover put the matter bluntly "We're all here to say one thing: the land of Israel belongs to the Jewish people. Why? Because!"
A major argument against absorbing the West Bank is that it would dilute the Jewish character of Israel and threaten the country's democratic institutions. "As long as in this territory west of the Jordan River there is only one political entity called Israel it is going to be either non-Jewish or non-democratic," Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak argues. "If this bloc of millions of Palestinians cannot vote, that will be an apartheid state."
But right-wing conference goers dismissed that argument because they reject that there is a demographic threat from the Palestinians. According to The Times of Israel, former ambassador to the US, Yoram Ettinger, told the crowd that estimates of the Palestinian population are based on "Palestinian incompetence or lying" and that there are actually a million fewer than the official population count.
Legal expert Yitzhak Bam said he expected there would be no fallout from the Americans if Israel unilaterally annexed the West Bank, since Washington did not protest the 1981 annexation of the Golan Heights from Syria. Both areas were conquered in the 1967 War.
The Times reporter Raphael Ahern writes that that the conference reflects "The annexationists are growing in confidence, demanding in outspoken fashion what they always dreamed of but have never dared to say quite so publically."
The expanding settlements are rapidly making the possibility of a viable two-state solution impossible. Eventually there will be no pizza left to divide.
The Obama administration has dropped the ball on this issue and needs to re-engage, lest the "pot" boil over.
First, the Tel Aviv government needs to be told that all settlement expansion must cease, and that failure to do so will result in a suspension of aid. At about $3.4 billion a year, Israel is the US's number one foreign aid recipient.
Second, the US must stop blocking efforts by the Palestinians for UN recognition.
Third, negotiations must cover not only the West Bank and Gaza, but also the status of East Jerusalem. The latter is the engine of the Palestinian economy, and without it a Palestinian state would not be viable.
The immediate danger of a war with Iran appears to have slightly receded, although the Israelis are always a bit of a wild card. First, the Obama administration explicitly rejected Netanyahu's "red line" that would trigger an attack on Teheran. The Israeli prime minister argues that Iran must not be allowed to achieve the "capacity" to produce nuclear weapons, a formulation that would greatly lower the threshold for an assault. Second, there are persistent rumors that the US and Iran are exploring one-on-one talks, and it appears that some forces within Iran that support talks -- specifically former president Ayatollah Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani -- are in the ascendency.
Netanyahu continues to threaten war, but virtually his entire military and intelligence apparatus is opposed to a unilateral strike. Israeli intelligence is not convinced that Iran is building a bomb, and the Israeli military doesn't think it has the forces or weapons to do the job of knocking out Iran's nuclear infrastructure. Polls also indicate overwhelming opposition among the Israeli public for a unilateral attack. This doesn't mean Netanyahu won't attack Iran, just that the danger does not seem immediate. If Israel should choose to launch a war, the Obama administration should make it clear that Tel Aviv is on its own.
US intelligence and the Pentagon are pretty much on the same page as the Israelis regarding Iran's nuclear program. Even with its powerful military, US generals are not convinced that an attack would accomplish much more than delaying Iran's program by from three to five years. At least at this point, the Pentagon would rather talk than fight. "We are under the impression that the Iranian regime is a rational actor," says Gen. Martin Dempsey, chair of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff. Polls also indicate that nearly 70 percent of the American public favors negotiations over war.
In short, a lot of ducks are now in a row to cut a deal.
However, the US cannot make uranium enhancement a red line. Iran has the right to enhance nuclear fuel under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), and as long as inspectors are in place -- as they currently are -- it is virtually impossible to create bomb-level fuel in secret.