"5. Subvert and malign all representatives of sympathizers with this constructed enemy.
"6. Solicit, from among the enemy, collaborators who agree with and can sanitize the dispossession process.
"7. Pathologize the enemy in scholarly and popular mediums; recycle, for example, scientific racism and the myths of racial superiority in order to naturalize the pathology.
"8. Criminalize the enemy. Then prepare, budget for, and rationalize the building of holding areas for the enemy--especially its males and absolutely its children.
"9. Reward mindlessness and apathy with monumentalized entertainments and with little pleasures, tiny seductions: a few minutes on television, a few lines in the press; a little pseudo-success; the illusion of power and influence; a little fun, a little style, a little consequence.
"10. Maintain, at all costs, silence.
"In 1995 racism may wear a new dress, buy a new pair of boots, but neither it nor its succubus twin fascism is new or can make anything new. It can only reproduce the environment that supports its own health: fear, denial and an atmosphere in which its victims have lost the will to fight."
In this analysis, Morrison retrospectively described the development of German Nazism in the 1930s based on the then-coming War Against the Jews (Davidowicz). She also chillingly and accurately prophesied the coming of fascism to America in the early 21st century through the War Against the Peoples of Color, as the process described in this book might be called, leading ultimately and inevitably to the establishment of the New American Republics.
By the time the turn of the 21st century was reached, the economic decline affecting all sectors of society other than the truly wealthy was quickening, and social unrest was doing the same. Then it was found by the wealthy and their political allies that the divisive/distractive strategies which had worked so well for so many years to keep a relative civil peace began to fail in meeting that objective. This process led to increasingly violent outbursts on the part of increasing numbers of people from all walks of life. And some of those outbursts began to focus on such matters as the widening gap between rich and poor, the loss of employment security, and the overall decline in the standard of living for most people.
The economic and political decision-makers of the society thus gradually came to view it as a necessity that significant levels of force and repression be used, or at least made ready, to prevent the occurrence of full-fledged rebellion. Hence the final development of the fascist state in the old U.S.. But it had to be realized, if at all possible, by democratic means.
Why so? Because the democratic tradition was strong in the United States of America. The tradition, and the basic American concept, "it's a free country," had been encouraged by the operations of the political system from the time of the nation's founding as the world's first democracy, however limited at the time, in 1789. "Free speech" and "freedom from government oppression" were slogans even of major elements of the Far Right, the foot soldiers of which would eventually and ironically become the agents of repression on the street and in the camps for the national decision-makers.
However, no country had ever previously become fascist by majority vote of the whole electorate. Even in the Nazi Germany of the 1930s and 40s (where the fascists had taken power by constitutional means), the highest proportion of a free vote that the National Socialist (Nazi) Party had ever received was 37% (of a high voter turnout).
Just as in pre-World War II Germany, in the old U.S. it is unlikely that fascism, if openly put to a vote, could ever have attracted a majority of the eligible voters. But given the realities of voting patterns, that was not necessary for the constitutional installation of fascism. In the old U.S., even in Presidential elections, any voter turnout over 50% was considered good. And so, in the late 20th century a strategy was developed by Right-Wing Reaction through which fascism could be brought to the old U.S. by Constitutional means, if not true majority vote. It was called "The 15% Solution."
"The 15% Solution"
"The 15% Solution" was an electoral strategy developed by the leading political organ of the Religious Right, the so-called "Christian Coalition" (ADL). The "Christian Coalition" was an unabashed, unapologetic, and outspoken representative of that authoritarian thinking (see also Dino Louis' discussion of the nature of fascism in Appendix II) which under their influence was so prominently represented in the politics of the Republican Party, beginning at their 1992 National Convention. The strategy was designed to win elections even when the Coalition's supporters comprised a distinct minority of the eligible electorate. As an early Christian Coalition Executive Director, Ralph Reed, once said (Harkin): "I paint my face and travel at night. You don't know it's over until you're in a body bag."
Although in later public statements, the Christian Coalition made attempts to cover up or even disavow the strategy, according to its 1991 National Field Director, it was formulated in the following way (Rodgers):