Marches have also been held from Tahrir to the Maspero (government) television station demanding investigations into the killing over more than 25 Coptic demonstrators last month. Coptic Christians, who comprise about ten per cent of Egypt's 80 million people, have long complained of being discriminated against by Egypt's Sunni government and majority Sunni population.
Another contentious issue in this pre-election period is whether former members of Mubarak's NDP party would be eligible to run for seats in Parliament. Last week, Egypt's Administrative court issued a verdict affirming their right to run.
Despite being widely blamed for corruption during the years of Mubarak's rule, NDP members are still considered popular in some parts of Egypt and are considered difficult competitors.
AFP reports that the SCAF did not want suffer the consequences of excluding hundreds of thousands of Mubarak's ruling party members or stand against the thousands of Ex-NDP members intending to run. SCAF's view is that it is now up to voters to determine if there is a place for the NDP in the next Parliament.
Egypt's SCAF remains largely a mystery. It is totally opaque, as is its handpicked civilian "government." All of its members were colleagues of Mubarak's; some were protà ©gà ©s. These generals have become wealthy through property and other deals allegedly facilitated by the Mubarak regime.
Some see the SCAF scurrying to free itself of its governing job as soon as possible. It has no experience in governance. None of its generals have ever lived in a democratic society. Others see it as wanting to hang on to power even after the elections. Some believe SCAF sees itself as the only actor left capable of bringing peace and stability. This perception is found throughout the developing world and is frequently true. Others contend that SCAF and its members have too much dirty laundry that would be hung out in public if real democracy ever came to Egypt. In a real democracy, the people would be free to criticize the armed forces and to question its budget in public.
The Egyptian military needs to be no more, no less, accountable than every other public asset. And its needs to be accountable to civilians, a concept understood by the country's generals but never experienced in real life.
Accountability is among the lessons learned from Egypt's continuing contact with the US military, which has been responsible for facilitating more than a billion dollars in military procurements annually. With that aid come other plums, such as visits to the US and accompanying senior US military officers as observers on field trips and war games.
But how well SCAF has learned the US lessons remains unclear. Everyday Egyptians aren't much help here; they obviously can't demand what they've never known. To get the generals to accept civilian rule and civilian rules will depend on those who were victorious in Tahrir Square rising to warn the country of the danger of continuing military rule or excessive military influence in the elected governments of the future.
That will be Arab Spring 2 point 0.
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