By blocking the recount, the Court, in effect, ensured that the votes of wealthy whites had more "equal protection" than those of low-income retirees, blacks and Hispanics. In other words, the five Republican justices used the 14th Amendment to guarantee greater racial and social-class discrimination in the Florida vote count, not less.
Also, by allowing only two hours to fix the problem and conduct the recount, the GOP justices ensured that the state's Republican officials -- working under the gaze of Gov. Jeb Bush -- could declare his brother, George W. Bush, the winner of Florida's electoral votes and thus the Presidency of the United States. [For details, see Neck Deep.]
After Bush took office, things did look up for the Judiciary's right-wing faction, which benefited from a steady stream of reinforcements, new conservative judges who strengthened the Right's ideological battle lines in the federal courts.
Also, when right-wing Chief Justice William Rehnquist died on Sept. 3, 2005, Bush replaced him with right-wing Chief Justice John Roberts. When Justice O'Connor finally stepped down on Jan. 31, 2006, Bush filled her seat with an even more conservative justice, Samuel Alito.
Still, there was that pesky thing called democracy that couldn't always be thwarted, especially if the victory margins were too big. So, after President Barack Obama won Election 2008 and brought in a Democratic Congress, the Republican majority on the Supreme Court had to swing into action with a powerful counter-attack to protect the GOP's crucial financial supply lines.
On Jan. 21, 2010, the five justices -- Kennedy, Roberts, Scalia, Thomas and Alito -- pushed through the Citizens United decision, clearing the way for the ultra-rich to effectively buy elections through unlimited spending on attack ads against disfavored candidates. Again, Justice Kennedy was the author.
Though right-wing billionaires had already created powerful artillery batteries in the form of a massive media infrastructure and influential think tanks, they now could pour millions and millions more dollars directly into campaigns through SuperPACs.
This combination of saturation propaganda from the Right's media, think tanks and SuperPACs guarantees that many Americans will rally to the Right's banner even when that means lining up against their own interests -- and on the side of powerful corporations and the wealthy.
It also appears that even on those rare occasions when the Democrats can muster the votes in the House and a super-majority in the Senate to send an important bill to the desk of a Democratic President, the Republicans on the Supreme Court will fulfill their role as a reserve army in black robes, a last line of defense waiting to do whatever is necessary to win the day even if the Constitution becomes collateral damage.
That is the significance of what has played out over the past three days. Based on the tone and tenor of the questions, it seems the five Republican partisans are engaged in another flanking maneuver against democracy, to wipe out a duly enacted law.
Though the Constitution sets no limits on the power of Congress to regulate interstate commerce -- since the Founders trusted in the future judgment of elected officials to make reasonable decisions for the good of the country -- the GOP Five apparently intend to fix this oversight by the Framers.
The GOP Five apparently will amend the Constitution by fiat, inserting new restrictions in the Commerce Clause and then judging that the health-care law is outside those limits. [See Consortiumnews.com's "GOP Justices Ignore the Founders."]
Underscoring this intent, the Republican justices spent their third day of oral arguments musing about what to do with the remainder of the Affordable Care Act once they strike down its central feature, the individual mandate to buy insurance, as a violation of their newly invented constitutional limitation on the Commerce Clause.
This need for the GOP Five to rewrite the Commerce Clause was driven home by a straightforward U.S. Appeals Court ruling by a conservative senior judge, Laurence Silberman, who bluntly endorsed the constitutionality of the Affordable Care Act by noting the absence of any limitation on congressional regulation of national commerce.