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March 19, 2007 at 19:00:52

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"Economics of Empire"

by Alan MacDonald     Page 1 of 2 page(s)

www.opednews.com

 
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The pathology of Empire really has more to do at its core with economics than with politics.  All traditional empires have been at heart a project of economic advantage only affected by political rationalization, and ultimately the military power to carry out the seminal goal of economic advantaged status. 

The reason for economics being the leading factor of the ‘will to empire’ is simply that empire itself as a system is leveraged and dependent on a concept, one might say, even a love of elitism, and thus must support the underpinnings of a highly skewed hierarchy of privilege, wealth, status, and power, which can only be accomplished and maintained with an ever larger scale of economic advantages that come from broadening economic exploitation ---- both within one society and extending to ultimately all societies.

While the realms of political power and military fame can and are motivators of expanded personal exploits, and can frequently lead to personal advantage and fame, it is only through the conscious acquisition of expanding economic resources that an entire social, political, and particularly military system can expand and sustain itself beyond the scope of its own society or nation-state.   By definition an empire is self-referential and must be composed of those within the empire’s identity, and those without --- who are more thoroughly exploited for the advantage of the empire’s members. 

Some, within any society regardless of its form of political economic structure and rule, may achieve stature, wealth, power and elite status within the community or society itself.  But such fame or elite status within the society, whether sought or given, is relative within the community, and thus places an upper limit on both the scale and the steepness of any elitist hierarchy.  Therefore the great political leader or the great general can be renowned within the society but not too visibly to the detriment of the whole society, and this limiting factor places a constraint on the essentially limitless lust, elitism and hubris of some with lesser real talents but with lust for stature.  While social reverence for political or military leadership by members of the society may often be enough to satisfy leaders with such genuine skills, the possession of an infinitely expandable and symbolic representation of greatness in the form of wealth creates the basis and mechanism of institutionalizing an elitist grasp for hierarchy beyond that demonstrated by genuine personal qualities of leadership within one society.

Empire entails the conscious design and development of the methodology to exploit ‘outsider’ societies in order to support an elitist hierarchy which is larger, steeper, more robust, defensible and satisfying than could be supported within one’s own society alone.

How many times have we heard the statement about the Iraq war, “the war can not be won militarily alone, but must be won politically”?  However, the real and deeper truth is that wars are not won militarily OR politically, but only economically.

Economics, not politics or some vague patriotic reference to geopolitics, is the basis and driver for all “wars of aggression” ----- and the “economics of empire” is foundational to the support of the elitist concept and reality of all empire.

Karl von Clausewitz famously said, “War is merely politics by other means”. But what he failed to describe is that, “politics is merely economics by other means”.

So what we have (by transitive property) is that, if war = politics (by other means), and politics = economics (by other means), then war = economics (by disguised means). This, in fact, we might more generally term; the fundamental property of Economic Empire.

Historically, aggressive wars to achieve or expand Economic Empire were driven by the will to power of militaristic elite, and could be easily impressed on a non-elite population through either the promise of ‘war booty’, conscription,  or the fear of summary execution by the ruling-elite.  This early ‘carrot’ and ‘stick’ approach to imperial war campaigns was very effective down through the ages, and continued to be effective (with minor allusions to patriotism and ‘national destiny’) right up through WWII.  After all, it must be remembered that well delivered speeches, albeit from a master orator, were more than sufficient to enlist the modern and sophisticated populations of Germany with promises and justifiable ‘rights’ of needed Lebensraum ("living space") and  ethnic pride.

During the claimed ‘post-imperial’ era beyond WWII, and with the economic collapse of the British Empire and most others, the two remaining empires (one an acknowledged empire and one not) briefly jousted in a so-called cold-war, which seemed to neither’s economic advantage.  However, with the collapse of the Soviet Empire and the ascendance of a singular empire which prefers to be termed a ‘liberal capitalist democracy’, wars of aggression have had to be disguising as moral necessities.  After all, fighting a war against another empire to achieve economic hegemony can always be prettified in ideological terms, but a unitive super-power empire should not be seen in our politically correct times as merely perpetrating ‘smash and grab’ heists on other sovereign states.  Thus America, or more accurately the global corporate Empire disguising itself behind the façade of “Vichy America”, has had to utilize the political and military power of this former nation-state to appear to be acting in “humanitarian interests” when it launches preemptive, and economic wars of empire.

The need for increasing niceties and guile in launching modern wars of aggression to support the economics of empire is not the only consideration for the world’s remaining empire.  All empires, once they become dependent on the resources of other societies for their own economic growth, face the need to grow and bring in even more resources and wealth in order to support their own ever expanding elite hierarchy.  In this sense, all empires are very much akin to the false economy of a Ponzi scheme --- which requires more and more input to provide profitable returns to the earlier and favored investors.

The old adage that “it required half the globe to support the British Empire” is more than doubly true for today’s global corporate/financial Empire which operates under the guise of “Vichy America”.  However, the greatest amount of economic wealth gleaned from the globe is, through the modern alchemy of hedge and private equity funds monetized not out of lead, but out of pure air, by stripping and scooping up real assets and replacing them with fiat currency.  This sweeping up of the globe’s real asset wealth is highly efficient with modern imperial finance capitalism, in which the global Empire is ‘the house’ and controls the only rules of globalization, namely rules that favor investors.

By the most recognized measure of wealth inequality (GINI Index .85), the richest 1 percent of people in the world control as much wealth as the bottom 57 percent.  While the true ruling-elite, who are actively engaged in the global corporate Empire are considerably less than .01%, all of the upper tiers of the wealth pyramid, even as low as 20%, must be satisfied with some pay out ---- and this naturally differs considerably by antiquated nation-state identities, with the US coming first, and demanding the most resources and energy for its pyramid.   

The GINI Index, whether applied to inequality of wealth or income, is 0 if distribution is perfectly equitable and 1.0 if one person has all the wealth or income.  For example the GINI income index is .45 for the US, while it is a far more equitable (.25 to .35) for all other modern industrialized countries.  This represents a problem for the global corporate Empire centered in “Vichy America” because their own CIA cautions that any country with a GINI Index about .40, and particularly climbing like the US, is in danger of “social unrest”.

The scope of imperial arguments as to why a significant degree of inequality is essential is beyond hypocrisy --- ranging from the absurdly fallacious and historical favorite, “because God deemed it that way”, to the appearance of modern technical economic propaganda, “because the level of investment to insure capitalistic growth requires a level of savings and accumulation that can only be assured with high levels of inequality.”  However, all of these justifications, from the stupid to the sophisticated, as to why inequality must remain high are beginning to be viewed very suspiciously and angrily by the local US ‘working class’ population, and as the CIA advise about our high domestic GINI Index and John Edwards warns, “there are increasingly two different and unfair Americas”.  Thus the global corporate Empire hiding behind their façade of a “Vichy America” is becoming increasingly concerned that they need to keep consumer satisfaction and life style up or they risk going down, themselves in angry revolt.  The global Empire can not look to exploit the American citizenry much more ---- particularly since American citizens (whether they know it or not) are the only people in the world who’s slim remaining voting rights could actually bring down the global Empire.

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Former computer/communications marketing and product strategist. Currently teaching part time in retirement.

 

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5 comments

Been around the block a few times.
Blue PilgrimBeen around the block a few times.

globalization

There is a bad side to it, but also this: as the world 'shrinks' to a global 'village' (easy travel and communications, and worldwide connetive networking) the colonies are not so far removed (and therefore ignorable) as in previous times. This leads toa problem with empire: a nation cannot colonize itself; that transforms into domestic slavery, which is very unstable. The imperialists end up fouling their own nests; the snake eats itself.   

Control of the news is critical for the war mongers, for once the Americans begin to identify with the exploited people of the 'enemy' nations, the game is up.

by Blue Pilgrim (0 articles, 3 quicklinks, 2 diaries, 997 comments) on Monday, March 19, 2007 at 9:08:02 PM
 


Former computer/communications marketing and product strategist. Currently teaching part time in retirement.
Alan MacDonaldFormer computer/communications marketing and product strategist. Currently teaching part time in retirement.

Thanks for your valid input, pilgrim

Yes, the distinction between people (even poor people) within the 'citizenry' of the empire and those outside in the 'territories' is best explained by a line that Raul Julia states in the movie, "Havana", "there are the torturable and the non-torturable".

Within the "Vichy America" facade that the Empire controls the most recent and compelling example of your point about insiders begining to identify with outsiders may well be the poor and ignored residents of New Orleans diaster identifying with Iraqis in Baghdad ---- both being similarly oppressed and treated like useless dirt by the Empire.

 

 

by Alan MacDonald (10 articles, 0 quicklinks, 1 diaries, 85 comments) on Monday, March 19, 2007 at 10:01:42 PM
 


Jon Harrison is a freelance writer living in Vermont.
Jon HarrisonJon Harrison is a freelance writer living in Vermont.

MacDonald's Economics of Empire

"By definition an empire is self-referential"

"essentially limitless lust"

"transitive property"

"negative externality costs" 

And my favorite: ". . . an infinitely expandable and symbolic representation of greatness in the form of wealth creates the basis and mechanism of institutionalizing an elitist grasp for hierarchy beyond that demonstrated by genuine personal qualities of leadership within one society."

Wow! This is a parody, right? An essay meant to seem as if written by a pompous, unintelligible, pseudo-intellectual, right? The author teaches part-time? Comedy, I hope! Please don't say it's expository writing, or plain English!

 

 

by Jon Harrison (1 articles, 0 quicklinks, 0 diaries, 17 comments) on Tuesday, March 20, 2007 at 7:21:11 PM
 


Former computer/communications marketing and product strategist. Currently teaching part time in retirement.
Alan MacDonaldFormer computer/communications marketing and product strategist. Currently teaching part time in retirement.

Truth hurts

Jon, I would be lying if I said that your criticism of my column did not hurt. 

But the truth is that I am not a degreed economist, so your criticism of my discussion of the market failure of externalities may not be up to snuff ---- would you suggest any improvements to my admittedly less-than-elite academic discriptions of this area of economics for clarity?

I would also readily admit that my level of teaching is quite limited and does not even attempt to address or discuss in high school subbing any areas of economics, political economics, or historical empires.  These are issues which I only wrestle with as an ordinary citizen without any elite educational knowledge. 

I should also apologise if my writing style seems pompous or unintelligible as I tried to describe my thoughts.  Although your criticism was a bit harsher than any english professor I can recall from my college days, I will take your input to heart as constructive criticism.

However, I was a bit puzzled about what in my column might have most caused you to comment so stirringly?

I could not read your feature article in "Liberty" because it is not accessible on-line and I am not a subscriber.  Congratulations on your article in any case --- I'm sure it is very good.

From publication in which it appeared and title of your article, "Why the Surge Will Fail", I assume that you are both libertarian and anti-war, and thus would not have been at all aroused at my attacking of war, empire or elitism ---- and I certainly didn't try to hide or disguise my real intent, as some authors do.

So, Jon, I am still a bit confused about the motivation of your obviously strongly held feelings regarding any substantive comments on the content of my op-ed, and will assume that you were only giving me some very generalized advice on my writing style and economic simplicities ------ unless you would care to further enlighten me. 

I certainly would appreciate any advice from you as to how I might improve the next op-ed news article in the series that I am writing, which deals with  how average people might overcome empire with the very ecomonics that empire itself uses to oppress them ---- working title, "With their own Rope". 

Any ideas or suggestions, Jon?

Thanks in advance for your more experienced publication advice. 

by Alan MacDonald (10 articles, 0 quicklinks, 1 diaries, 85 comments) on Wednesday, March 21, 2007 at 12:43:15 PM
 


Jon Harrison is a freelance writer living in Vermont.
Jon HarrisonJon Harrison is a freelance writer living in Vermont.

"Truth hurts"

In the sometimes very harsh world of literary criticism, very cutting things are said. Let me say that I made an assumption based on your prose style that you were a particular literary/intellectual type. I can tell from your response that I was wrong about that. So let me begin by apologizing for that assumption.

We are all as thinking individuals trying to grapple with the problems facing our society and the world. We express ourselves in the hope that we may enlighten others, and receive enlightenment in return. That your essay was an attempt to be a part of that continuum, I now realize. I would never want to discourage a sincere individual from making this effort. Therefore, I apologize to you again, this time for causing you hurt. I am pained by the fact that you found my comments hurtful, and I'm sorry. You deserved better.

I am not going to dispute issues or facts with you in this forum. But I will give you a few tips, if you will allow me.

Words, Churchill said, should convey meaning. It is very important to say what one thinks in the simplest language possible. Everyone has their own style, and you must not deviate too much from your personal inclinations when you write. Nevertheless, it is generally best to: 1) use short, declarative sentences; 2) employ words we all use in conversation, rather than ten-dollar words that send your readers running to the dictionary; 3) keep your use of adjectives to a minimum (if in doubt; don't use it).

It is very important also to back up broad statements with specific examples. A sentiment expressed ought to be justified by the presentation of facts, not by a further expression of one's ideological inclinations, however sincerely felt. One need not write to preach to the converted. Seek out and bring to the reader that which will convince those inclined to disagree with you. That is how one makes a good argument.

One can never do enough research. (Of course, at some point you must sit down to write.) And in researching, seek out information from those who  oppose your own views, rather than those who will simply confirm what you believe.

I'm sorry that you couldn't access my article online. If you contact me I will be happy to send you a copy. I write often for Liberty; you can find feature articles of mine from Aug. and Dec. 2006, and Mar. 2007 that are accessible in Liberty's online archive.

I am anti-Iraq war, and anti-Bush. I am a libertarian (with a small l). Though a person of the right, I have friends on the left as well. No ideology or program has the answer for every question; wisdom may walk in through any door, anytime.

My email address is jwhinvt@adelphia.net. Please feel free to contact me for further discussion, if you like.

Sincerely,

Jon Harrison 

  

    

 

 

by Jon Harrison (1 articles, 0 quicklinks, 0 diaries, 17 comments) on Wednesday, March 21, 2007 at 6:26:01 PM
 

 

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