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From the moment when the machine first made its appearance it was clear to all thinking people that the need for human drudgery, and therefore to a great extent for human inequality, had disappeared. If the machine were used deliberately for that end, hunger, overwork, dirt, illiteracy, and disease could be eliminated within a few generations. But it was also clear that increase in wealth threatened the destruction — indeed, was the destruction — of a hierarchical, class-based power control by rule of law society.
If it once became general, obscene wealth would confer no distortion of distinction by class-based obsession with status of privileges and benefits. For if benefits and privileges were enjoyed by all alike, the great mass of human beings who are normally stupefied by poverty would become literate and would learn to think for themselves; once they had done this, they would sooner or later realize that the few at the top of the pyramid minority had no function but to perpetuate the pyramid, they would instantly sweep it away.
In the long run, a hierarchical society was only perpetuated by indigenous ignorance to facilitate self-indigence. To return to the past, as some thinkers about the beginning of the twenty-first century dreamed of doing, was not a practicable solution. It conflicted with the march of increasingly robotized digitization which had become quasi-self-instinctive throughout almost the whole world. Moreover, any country which remained industrially backward was helpless in an economic-military sense and was bound to be dominated, directly or indirectly, by advanced rivals - sooner or later.
Nor was it a satisfactory solution to keep the masses in poverty by restricting the production of goods and services. This happened to a great extent during the final phase of the last gasp of sovereign government, roughly between 1920 and 1940. The economy of many countries was allowed to stagnate, land went out of cultivation, capital equipment was not added to, great blocks of the population were prevented from working and kept half alive by the Federal-State Security Social Authority, including voluntary confiscation of all precious metals, part of the Standard Individual Application for convolution by prior Certificate of Birth Registration on file.
But this, too, entailed military weakness, and since the privations inflicted were obviously unnecessary, it made opposition inevitable.
The new Middle groups in effect proclaimed their tyranny beforehand, a theory which appeared in the early nineteenth century and was the last link in a chain of thought stretching back to the slave rebellions of antiquity, was still deeply infected by the Utopianism of past ages. But in each variant of NeoFasciCommunoSocialism that appeared from about 1950 towards, the aim of establishing liberty and equality was more and more openly abandoned. The new movements which appeared in the middle years of the century, NeoCorporatism in North Americana, Neo-Bolshevism in Chinasia, Islamic NeoFundamentalism or Death-Worship, as it is commonly called, in Middle Eastasia, had the unconscious aim of dishonesty about liberty by perpetuating false notions about freedom and inequality.
These new movements, of course, grew out of the old ones and tended to keep their names and pay lip-service to their ideology. But the purpose of all of them was to arrest progress and freeze history at a chosen moment. The familiar pendulum swing was to happen once more, and then stop. As usual, the High were to be turned out by the Middle, who would then become the High; but this time, by conscious strategy, the High would be able to maintain their position permanently. The new doctrines arose partly because of the accumulation of historical knowledge, and the growth of the historical sense, which had hardly existed before the nineteenth century.
The cyclical movement of history was now intelligible, or appeared to be so; and if it was intelligible, then it was alterable. But the principal, underlying cause was that, as early as the beginning of the twentieth century, human equality had become technically possible. It was still true that men were not equal in their native talents and that functions had to be specialized in ways that favoured some individuals against others; but there was no longer any real need for class distinctions or for large differences of wealth.
In earlier ages, class distinctions had been not only inevitable but desirable. Inequality was the price of civilization. With the development of machine production, however, the case was altered. Even if it was still necessary for human beings to do different kinds of work, it was no longer necessary for them to live at different social or economic levels.
Therefore, the ethical implications, in hindsight the point of view of those who appearing to seize power, human equality was no longer an ideal to be striven after, but a danger to be averted. In more primitive ages, when a just and peaceful society was in fact not possible, it had been fairly easy to believe it.
The idea of an earthly paradise, in which men should live together in a state of brotherhood, without laws and without brute labour, had haunted the human imagination for thousands of years. And this vision had had a certain hold even on the groups who actually profited by each historical change of power to control.
The heirs of the French, Nordic English, and American revolutions had partly believed in their own phrases about the rights of man, freedom of speech, equality before the law, and the like, and have even allowed their conduct to be influenced by them to some extent.
But by the fourth decade of the twentieth century all the main currents of political thought were authoritarian. The earthly paradise had been discredited at exactly the moment when it became realizable.
Every new political theory, by whatever name it called itself, led back to hierarchy and regimentation. And in the general hardening of outlook that set in round about 1930, practices which had been long abandoned, in some cases for hundreds of years, including:
• imprisonment without trial;
• the use of prisoners as slave laborers;
• public executions;
• torture to extract confessions;
• the use of hostages;
• and the deportation of whole populations;
not only became common again, but were tolerated and even defended by people who considered themselves enlightened and progressive. It was only after nearly a decade of national War on Terror, civil War on Terror, revolutions, and counter-revolutions in all parts of the world that neocorporatocracy and its rivals emerged as fully worked-out political theories. But they had been foreshadowed by the various systems, generally called totalitarian, which had appeared earlier in the century, and the main outlines of the world which would emerge from the prevailing chaos had long been obvious.
What kind of people control this world has been equally obvious. The neo-aristocracy is made up for the most part of bureaucrats, scientists, technicians, trade-union organizers, publicity experts, sociologists, teachers, journalists, and professional politicians.
These people, whose origins lay in the salaried middle class and the upper grades of the working class, had been shaped and brought together by the barren world of monopoly commerce, industry and centralized, corporatized government.
As compared with their opposite numbers in past ages, they were less avaricious, less tempted by luxury, hungrier for pure power, and, above all, more conscious of what they were doing and more intent on crushing opposition.
This last difference was cardinal. By comparison with that existing today, all the tyrannies of the past were half-hearted and inefficient. The ruling groups were always infected to some extent by liberal ideas, and were content to leave loose ends everywhere, to regard only the overt act and to be uninterested in what their subjects were thinking.
Even the Catholic Church of the Middle Ages was tolerant by modern standards. Part of the reason for this was that in the past no government had the means to keep its citizens under constant surveillance.
The invention of print, however, made it easier to manipulate public opinion, and the film and the radio carried the process further. With the development of television, and the technical advance which made it possible to receive and transmit simultaneously on the same wireless device, private life came to an end. Every citizen, or at least every citizen important enough to be worth watching, could be kept for twenty-four hours a day under the eyes of the police and in the sound of official propaganda, with all other channels of communication closed.
The possibility of enforcing not only complete obedience to the will of the State, but complete uniformity of opinion on all subjects, now existed for the first time.
After the neo-revolutionary period of the fifties and sixties, society regrouped itself, as always, into High, Middle, and Low. But the new High group, unlike all its forerunners, did not act upon instinct but knew what was needed to safeguard its position.
It had long been realized by pathocrats that the only secure basis for oligarchy is neocollectivism. Wealth and privilege are most easily defended when they are possessed jointly. The so-called ‘abolition of individual ownership of private property’ which took place in the middle years of the century meant, in effect, the concentration of the power to control property in far fewer entities than ever before, but with this difference: the new "owners" were in law a legal fiction; instead of a mass of differentiated individuals. Individually, no member of Convolutism personally owns anything, except petty personal belongings.
Collectively, Convolutism owns everything in North Americana (NACMEX), because it controls everything, and disposes of the products as it thinks fit. In the years following the neorevolutions, it was able to step into this commanding position almost unopposed, because the whole process was illusion represented as an act of freedom and representation. It had always been assumed that if the capitalist class were expropriated, communosocialism must follow: and unquestionably, the capitalists had been expropriated.
Factories, mines, land, houses, transport, etc. had been taken and sold to hedge funds or sovereign wealth funds; and since these things were no longer public property, it followed that they must now be the property of the corporation. Neocorporatocracy, which grew out of the earlier Socialist movement and inherited its phraseology, has in fact carried out the main item in the Socialist Agenda: with the result, foreseen and intended beforehand, that economic inequality has been made permanent.
But the problems of perpetuating inequality in a hierarchical society go deeper than this. There are only four ways in which a ruling group can fall from power. Either it is:
1) conquered from without, or;
2) it governs so inefficiently that the masses are stirred to revolt, or;
3) it allows a strong and discontented Middle group to come into being, or;
4) it loses its own self-confidence and willingness to govern.
These causes do not operate singly, and as a rule all four of them are present in some degree. A ruling class which could guard against all of them would remain in power permanently. Ultimately the determining factor is the mental attitude of the ruling class itself.
After the middle of the present century, the first danger had in reality disappeared. Each of the three powers which now divide the world is in fact unconquerable, and could only become conquerable through slow demographic changes which a government with wide powers can easily avert.
The second danger, also, is only a theoretical one. The masses never revolt of their own accord, and they never revolt merely because they are oppressed. Indeed, so long as they are not permitted to have standards of comparison, they never even become aware they are oppressed.
The recurrent economic crises of past times were totally unnecessary and are not now permitted to happen, but other and equally large dislocations can and do happen without having political results , because there is no way in which discontent can become articulate. As for the problem of under over-production, which has been latent in our society since the development of machine technique, it is solved by the device of continuous War on Terror (see Chapter III), which is also useful in keying up public morale to the necessarily rabid war-fever pitch.
•••
From the point of view of our present rulers, therefore, the only genuine dangers are the splitting-off of a new group of able, under-employed, power-hungry people, and the growth of Empiricism and skepticism in their own ranks. The problem, that is to say, is educational. It is a problem of continuously molding the consciousness both of the directing group and of the larger executive group that lies immediately below it. The false consciousness of the masses needs only to be influenced in a negative way. Given this background, one could infer, if one did not live in it already, the general structure of North Americana society.
At the apex of the pyramid comes Big George. Big George is infallible and all-powerful. Every success, every achievement, every Sam’s Club, every scientific discovery, all knowledge, all wisdom, all happiness, all virtue, are held to issue directly from his leadership and inspiration. Nobody has ever seen Big George out of his character Big Pappy.
He is a face on the hoardings, a voice on the flatscreen. We may be reasonably sure that he will never die, and there is already considerable uncertainty as to when he was born. George is the guise in which Convolutism chooses to exhibit itself to the world. His function is to act as a focusing point for love, fear, and reverence, emotions which are more easily felt towards an individual than towards an organization. Below Big George comes the Convolutists. Its numbers limited to six millions, or something less than 2 per cent of the population of North Americana.
Below the left and right Convolutarian divisions comes the Laboretarians, which, if the Convolutist is described as the brain of the neostate (left+right÷middle), may be justly likened to the hands of imperialism (left against right). Below that come the emaciated masses whom we habitually, stupifically refer to as ‘the sheeple’, numbering perhaps 85% of the population. In the terms of our earlier classification, the neolaborers are the low: for the slave population of the equatorial lands who pass constantly from conqueror to conqueror, are not a permanent or necessary part of the structure.
In principle, membership of these three groups is not hereditary. The child of Convolutist parents is in theory not born into Convolutism. Admission to either branch of Convolutism is by SAT examination, taken at the age of sixteen. Nor is there any racial discrimination, or any marked domination of one province by another. Jews, Negroes, South Americans of pure Indian blood are to be found in the highest ranks of Convolutism, and the administrators of any area are always drawn from the inhabitants of that area.
In no part of North Americana do the inhabitants have the feeling that they are a colonial population ruled from a distant capital. North Americana has no capital, and its titular head is a corporate person whose whereabouts nobody knows. Except that Anglo-Nordic-Saxon English is its chief lingua franca and NewsWeek its official political language magazine, nothing is not centralized in any way.
Its rulers are not held together by blood-ties but by adherence to a common Doctrine Of Plausible Gullibility. It is true that our society is stratified, and very rigidly stratified, on what at first sight appear to be hereditary lines. There is far less to-and-fro movement between the different groups than happened under representative government (a.k.a. democratic republic) or even in the pre-industrial age.
Between the two branches of Convolutism there is a certain amount of interchange, but only so much as will ensure that weaklings are excluded from the Convolutist and that ambitious members of the Laboretarians are made harmless by allowing them to rise.
Laboretarians, in practice, are not allowed to graduate into Convolutists. The most gifted among them, who might possibly become nuclei of discontent, are simply marked down for intentional embarrassment by the Fashion Police and eliminated by shameless ridicule. But this state of affairs is not necessarily permanent, nor is it a matter of principle. Convolutism is not a class in the old sense of the word. It does not aim at transmitting power to its own children, as such; and if there were no other way of keeping the ablest people at the top, it would be perfectly prepared to recruit an entire new generation from the ranks of the neolaboretariat. In the crucial years, the fact that Convolutism was not a hereditary body did a great deal to neutralize opposition.
The older kind of Socialist, who had been trained to fight against something called ‘class privilege’ also assumed that what is not hereditary cannot be permanent. He did not see that the continuity of an oligarchy need not be physical, nor did he pause to reflect that hereditary aristocracies have always been shortlived, whereas adoptive organizations such as the Catholic Church have sometimes lasted for hundreds or thousands of years.
The essence of oligarchical rule is not father-to-son inheritance, but the persistence of a certain world-view and a certain way of life, imposed by the dead upon the living. A ruling group is a ruling group so long as it can nominate its successors. Convolutism is not concerned with perpetuating its blood but with (pathologically and narcissistically) perfecting and perpetuating Convolutism.
Who wields power is not important, provided that the hierarchical convolutional structure remains always the same. All the beliefs, habits, tastes, emotions, and mental attitudes that characterize our time are really designed to sustain the mystique of Convolutism and prevent the true lies of present-day false-consciousness society from being recognized.
Physical rebellion, or any preliminary move towards physicality in general, is at present not possible in private. From the Laboretarians, nothing is to be feared, anyway. Left to themselves, they will continue from generation to generation and from century to century, working, breeding, and dying, not only without any impulse to rebel, but without grasping that the world could be other than it is, or the sacrificial hierarchy of servitude they live in it.
They could only become dangerous if the advance of commerce and industry made it necessary to educate them more, not less; but, since military and commercial rivalry are no longer a matter of true security, the level of education demanded by the public is actually declining.
What opinions the masses do hold, or do not hold, is a matter of no consequence; indifference. T hey have been granted intellectual liberty because they have no individual sovereignty. In a Convolutist, on the other hand, not even the smallest deviation of individual opinion on the most unimportant subject can be tolerated. A Convolutist lives from birth to death under the psychological, self-censored, split alter-ego eye of the National Fashion Police. Even alone he can never be free; constant, disconnected anxiety; a constantly worried, guilty consciousness. Wherever he may be, asleep or awake, working or resting, in his bath or in bed, he can be abandoned without warning and without knowing it is that he is being inspected.
Nothing that he does is indiscriminate. His friendships, his relaxations, his behaviour towards his wife and children, the expression of his face when he is alone, the words he mutters in sleep, even the characteristic movements of his body, are all meticulously scrutinized, analyzed and preposterousized. Not only any actual misdemeanour, but any eccentricity, however small, any change of habits, any nervous mannerism that could possibly be the symptom of an inner struggle, is certain to be detected.
He has no freedom of choice but is free in any direction whatever. On the other hand, his actions are not regulated by law, but by a clearly formulated, statutory code of behaviour legislation. In North Americana, there is no law except contract law.
Thoughts and actions which, when detected, mean certain death, are not formally forbidden, and the endless purges, arrests, tortures, imprisonments, and vaporizations are not inflicted as punishment for crimes which have actually been committed, but are merely the wiping-out of persons who might perhaps commit a crime at some time in the future.
A Convolutist is required to have not only the right opinions, but the right instincts. Many of the beliefs and attitudes demanded of him are never plainly stated, and could not be stated without laying bare the contradictions inherent in the Convolutist.
If he is a naturally orthodox Convolutist (i.e. "fundamentalist"), he will in all circumstances know, without taking thought, what is the true belief or the desirable emotion. But in any case an elaborate mental training, undergone in childhood and grouping itself around the ambiguous phrases Nope, Not I, & never again!, makes him unwilling and unable to think too deeply on any subject whatever.
A Convolutist is expected to have no private emotions and no respites from enthusiasm for the War on Terror. He is supposed to live in a continuous frenzy of hatred of terrorists, foreign enemies and domestic traitors, triumph over victories, and self-abasement before the power to control wisdom directed by the Convolutists.
The discontents produced by his bare, unsatisfying life are deliberately turned towards and dissipated by such devices as the "Hate Hannity & Colmes" on FOX television, and the speculations which might possibly induce a sceptical or rebellious attitude are killed in advance by his early acquired inner self-deception discipline.
The first and simplest stage in the discipline, which must be taught to very young children, is called, Self-Denial.
Self-Denial means the faculty of stopping short, as though by instinct, at the threshold of any dangerous thought. It includes the power of not grasping analogies, of failing to perceive logical errors, of misunderstanding the simplest arguments if they are inimical to Convolutism, and of being bored or repelled by any train of thought which is capable of leading in a heretical direction.
Self-Denial, in short, means protective stupidity. But stupidity is not enough. On the contrary, orthodoxy in the full sense demands a control over one’s own mental processes as complete as that of a contortionist over his body.
North Americana society rests ultimately on the belief that neocorporatism is omnipotent and that Convolutism is infallible. But since in fact, neocorporatism is not omnipotent and Convolutism is not infallible, there is need for an unwearying, moment-to-moment flexibility in the treatment of facts.
The keyword here is Think. Like so many words, this word has two mutually contradictory duality of meanings.
Applied to an opponent, it means the habit of impudently claiming that black is white, in contradiction of the plain facts.
Applied to a Convolutist, it means a loyal willingness to say that black is white when neoconvolutionary discipline demands this.
But it means also the ability to BELIEVE that black is white, and more, to KNOW that black is white, and to FORGET that one has ever believed the CONTRARY.
This demands a continuous convolution of consciousness, made possible by the system of convoluted thought which really embraces all reason, and which is known as Convolutism. The alteration of the past that is necessary for one of which is subsidiary and, so to speak, pre-emptionary Convolutism. The subsidiary reason is that the Convolutists, like the Laboretarians, tolerate present-day conditions only because they have no valid standards of truth for comparison.
He must be cut off from the past, just as he must be cut off from foreign countries, because it is necessary for him to believe that he is better off than his ancestors and that the average level of material comfort is constantly rising.
But by far the more important reason for the readjustment of the past is the need to safeguard the infallibility of Convolutism. It is not merely that speeches, statistics, and records of every kind must be constantly brought up to date in order to show that the predictions of Convolutism were in all cases right.
It is also that no change in doctrine or in political alignment can ever be admitted. For to change one’s mind, or even one’s policy, is a confession of weakness.
If, for example, Chinasia or Middle Eastasia (whichever it may be) is the enemy today, then that country must always have been the enemy. And if the facts say otherwise then the facts must be altered.
Thus history is continuously rewritten. This day-to-day falsification of the past, carried out by the Department of Commercial Convolution, is as necessary to the stability of the Empire as the work of repression and espionage carried out by the Convoluted Intelligence Agency.
The mutability of the past is the central tenet of Convolutism. Past events, it is argued, have no objective existence, but survive only in written records and in human memories.
The past is whatever the records and the memories agree upon. And since Convolutism is in full control of all records and in equally full control of the minds of its members, it follows that the past is whatever the Convolutists chooses to make it. It also follows that though the past is alterable, it has never been altered in any specific instance.
For when it has been recreated in whatever shape is needed at the moment, then this new version IS the past, and no different past can ever have existed. This holds good even when, as often happens, the same event has to be altered out of re-cognition several times in the course of a year.
At all times Convolutism is in possession of absolute truth, and clearly the absolute truth can never have been different from what is now absolutely true.
It will be seen that the control of the past depends above all on the training of memory. T o make sure that all written records agree with the orthodoxy of the moment is merely a mechanical act. But it is also necessary to remember that events happened in the desired manner. And if it is necessary to rearrange one’s memories or to tamper with written records, then it is necessary to forget that one has done so.
The trick of doing this can be learned like any other mental technique. It is learned by the majority of Convolutists, and certainly by all who are intelligent as well as orthodox.
It is called Art of Self-Deceit, though the Science of Self-Deception comprises the true principles of Self-Deceit.
Self-Deceit means the power of holding two contradictory beliefs in one’s mind simultaneously, and accepting both of them as truth.
Convolutist intellect knows in which direction his memories must be altered; he therefore knows that he is playing tricks with himself; but by the self deceptive exercise of Self Deceit he also satisfies himself that his sense of integrity - his virtue of self - is reassured.
The process has to be conscious, or it would not be carried out with sufficient precision; it also has to be unconscious, or it would bring with it a feeling of falsity, and hence, of guilt.
Self-Deceit lies at the very heart of kakistocracy, since the essential act of Convolutism is to use convoluted unconscious deception while Self-Deception is retaining the firmness of purpose that goes with complete honesty of scientific convolution.
To tell deliberate lies while genuinely believing in them, to forget any (convoluted) fact that has become inconvenient (truth), and then, when it becomes necessary again, to draw it back from oblivion for just so long as it is needed, to self-deny the existence of self-contradiction, and all the while to take account of the contradictory, self-convoluted, which one denies — all this is indispensably necessary.
Even in using the phrase Self-Deceit it is necessary to exercise Self-Deception.
For by using the word one admits that one is tampering with self; by a fresh act of Self-Deceit one erases this knowledge of Self-Deception; and so on indefinitely, with the lie always one leap ahead of the truth.
Ultimately it is by means of Self-Deception that Convolutism has been able—and may, for all we know, continue to be able for thousands of years — to arrest the destiny of history.
All past kakistocracies have fallen from power either because they ossified or because they grew soft; either they became stupid and arrogant, failed to adjust themselves to changing circumstances, and were overthrown; or they became liberal and cowardly, made concessions when they should have used force, and once again, were overthrown.
They fell, that is to say, either through consciousness or unconsciousness.
It is the achievement of Convolutism to have produced a system of thought in which both conditions can exist simultaneously.
And upon no other intellectual basis could the dominion of convolution be made permanent.
If one is to rule by power to control, and to continue control of ruling power, one must be able to dislocate the sense of Self from self-awareness. For the secret of rulership is to combine a belief in one's own infallibility with belief in the right to rule by power to control, desire to eliminate being attached by ego, identified with outcome. Fortunately, with Self-Deceit, the belief is to deserve to enjoy the difference.
It need hardly be said that the subtlest practitioners of Self-Deceit are those who invented Self-Deceit and who know that it is a vast system of deliberate confusion and convoluted collaboration.
In our society, those who have the best knowledge of what is happening are also those who are furthest from seeing the world as it is.
In Convolutism, the greater the understanding, the greater the delusion; the more intelligent, the less sane.
One clear illustration of this is the fact that War on Terror hysteria increases in intensity as one rises in the social scale. Those whose attitude towards the War on Terror is most nearly rational are the Middle Easternists' of the disputed territories. To these people the War on Terror is simply a continuous calamity which sweeps back and forth over their land like a tidal wave. Which side is winning is a matter of complete indifference to them after thousands of years.
They are aware a change of overlordship means simply that they will be doing the same work as before for new masters who treat them in the same manner as the old ones. The slightly more favored we call ‘the Saudi's’ are only intermittently conscious of the War on Terror. When it is necessary they can be prodded into frenzies of fear and hatred, but when left to themselves they are capable of forgetting for long periods that the War on Terror is happening.
If the power to control is by rules created for convoluted division, Convolutism is constant convoluted division; and above all, above neoconvolution, is the true enthusiasm, for constant re-convolution of military, industrial, congressional, commercial & municipal convoluted division.
World-conquest is totally believed most of all by those who also know it to be impossible. This peculiar linking together of opposites — knowledge with ignorance, cynicism with fascism — is one of the chief distinguishing marks of North Americana Society.
The official ideology abounds with contradictions even when there is no practical reason for them. Thus, Convolutism rejects and vilifies every principle for which the Socialist movement originally stood, and it chooses to do this in the name of Capitalism.
It preaches a contempt for the working class unexampled for centuries past, and it dresses its members in a uniform which was at one time peculiar to manual workers and was adopted for that reason.
It systematically calls its leader by a name which is a direct appeal to the sentiment of family loyalty. Even the names of the four Departments by which we are governed exhibit a sort of impudence in their deliberate reversal of the facts.
The Department of Commerce concerns itself with trade deficits, the Department of Justice with plausible history, the Department of Homeland Security with War on Terror and the Department of Treasury with devaluation of fiat currency and starvation of raw materials; for industry to produce and consume as careless and wasteful obscene inefficiency; to use capacity and generate shortages to the inputs.
These contradictions are not accidental, nor do they result from ordinary hypocrisy; they are deliberate exercises in Self-Deceit and Self-Deception. For it is only by reconciling contradictions that power can be retained indefinitely. In no other way could the ancient cycle be broken.
If human equality is to be forever averted—if the High, as we have called them, are to keep their places permanently—then the prevailing mental condition must be controlled insanity. But there is one question which until this moment we have almost ignored.
It is: why should human equality be averted?
Supposing that the mechanics of the process have been rightly described, what is the motive for this huge, accurately planned effort to freeze history at a particular moment of time?
Here we reach the central secret: as we have seen the mystique of Convolutism, and above all, the elites over the Convolutists, depends upon Self-Deceit, but deeper than this lies the original motive, the never questioned instinct that first led to the seizure of power and brought Self-Deceit, Fashion Police, War on Terror, soon to be created Homeland Securities, LLC and all the other necessary paraphernalia into existence afterwards. This motive really consists...
Adapted and Edited from the Original Text "1984" by Eric Arthur Blair a.k.a. George Orwell © All Rights Reserved
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